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NOTES
1. WHAT ARE THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF VIETNAMESE HISTORY & CULTURE?
Vietnam boasts a rich historical tapestry marked by numerous conicts, notably resistance wars against foreign intruders. The Van Lang–Au
Lac civilizaon witnessed Chao To's conquest of Au Lac in 179 BC, leading to the establishment of the Nan Yue Kingdom unl 111 BC. Subsequently,
the Han Dynasty ushered in a 10-century era of Chinese dominance. Throughout this period, brave Vietnamese uprisings against Chinese rule, such
as those led by the Trung sisters, Ms. Trieu, Phung Hung, Ly Bi, and Trieu Quang Phuc, were prevalent. The turning point arrived in 938 AD when Ngo
Quyen triumphed over the Southern Han troops on the Bach Dang River, heralding an era of independence. Following a protracted civil war among
12 warlords, Dinh Bo Linh successfully unied the country. In the Earlier Le Dynasty, Le Hoan emerged victorious against invading Sung forces from
China. The Tran Dynasty saw the Vietnamese army triumph against the formidable Mongolian–Yuan troops, who aacked the country three mes.
In the Later Le Dynasty, Le Loi expelled the Ming troops and established control in 1427-1428. However, subsequent divisions emerged, with the
Northern Court under the rule of the Mac and the Southern Court under the Le. The Trinh Nguyen War, precipitated by the collapse of the Mac in
1592, endured unl the 18th century when the Tay Son brothers rose to prominence. In 1788 1789, Nguyen Hue's decisive victory over 290,000
Tsing troops led to the incepon of the Tay Son Dynasty. The 19th century brought French colonial aggression, culminang in the Indochina War from
1846 to 1954, a resolute resistance against French imperialism. Post-French defeat, Vietnam found itself entangled in The Vietnam War, a struggle
against American intervenon for naonal salvaon. The triumphant general oensive and uprising in 1979 thwarted Neo-colonialism and unied
the country. Following independence, Vietnam faced the Southwest Border War and confronted a formidable Chinese force of 600,000 troops in
1979. Presently, the naon contends with ongoing territorial disputes at sea with China.
Vietnam's cultural landscape is disnguished by a unique blend of acculturaon, notably exemplied by Sinicizaon and Desinicizaon.
Sinicizaon, a dynamic process of cultural exchanges, encompasses both voluntary and compelled interacons.
The laer, a consequence of Chinese assimilaon during a millennium of Chinese dominance, le a profound imprint on
Vietnamese society. Desinicizaon, however, reects a deliberate departure from Chinese inuences. Notably, the adopon of Nom scripts, a
deviaon from Han scripts, incorporated newly invented characters represenng nave Vietnamese words. The incorporaon of Han-Vietnamese
pronunciaon further exemplied this departure. Similarly, Westernizaon and Dewesternizaon have shaped Vietnam's cultural evoluon since the
16th century. Westernizaon introduced both organic and imposed changes, including the adopon of the Lan alphabet and the propagaon of
Catholicism and Protestansm, which emerged as new religious facets in Vietnam. Dewesternizaon, conversely, is evident in the structuring of
universies and the educaon system, technological integraon, and the adaptaon of foreign words from Western languages into Vietnamese
pronunciaon. The infusion of Marxist ideology through Ho Chi Minh further exemplies this complex interplay. Presently, Vietnam is engaged in a
Dewesternizaon process to culvate a modern Vietnamese culture that preserves its unique identy. Simultaneously, traces of Hinduisaon are
discernible in cultural landmarks like the My Son Holy Land in central Vietnam, underscoring the diverse inuences that have contributed to Vietnam's
cultural tapestry. The intricate interweaving of these cultural elements reects Vietnam's ability to adapt, evolve, and assert its disncve identy
amidst a rich history of acculturaon.
Vietnamese history and culture unfold across two disnct cycles of civilizaon, each playing a pivotal role in shaping the naon's identy. The
rst cycle, characterized by the Red River civilizaon or Van Lang Au Lac civilizaon, marked a period of remarkable cultural achievements. Van
Lang and Au Lac, the inial states of the Vietnamese people, showcased the naon's ability to unite diverse tribes, indicang dierenaon of classes
and the strength to construct canals along the Red River. The foundaon laid during this civilizaon is integral to the very essence of Vietnamese
culture, and without it, the Vietnam we know today would not exist. Following the collapse of the Red River civilizaon, Vietnam endured ten
centuries of Chinese dominaon. The turning point came in 938 with Ngo Quyen's victory against the Southern Han on the Bach Dang River, ushering
in the second era of Vietnamese civilizaon known as the Great Viet/Dai Viet civilizaon during the Ly – Tran – Later Le Dynasty. This period witnessed
signicant cultural advancements, and without Dai Viet civilizaon, the Vietnam of today would not have emerged. However, the civilizaon's
collapse in the 16th century led to division, civil wars, and peasant uprisings, plunging Vietnam into colonizaon and a diminished standard of living.
The 1986 Doi Moi Policy signaled a renewed hope for the Vietnamese people to reclaim their civilizaon with the establishment of the Vietnamese
Socialist Republic. Notably, Vietnamese history and culture exhibit a unique development of socio-economic formaons. While the European world
transioned through primive communism, slave-owning sociees, federalism, and capitalism, the Vietnamese trajectory began with primive
communism and progressed through the Asiac mode of producon, federalism, and then semi-feudal colonial society intertwined with colonial
capitalism. Unlike the European model, where remnants of old sociees lasted briey in the new, Vietnamese socio-economic formaons persisted
without cessaon up unl 1945. For instance, primive society persisted in certain mountainous regions, devoid of landlords but characterized by
disncons between rich and poor. In essence, the Vietnamese world experienced a connuous coexistence of mulple modes of producon,
underscoring the naon's rich and diverse historical tapestry.
2. WHAT WERE THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE RED RIVER CIVILIZATION AND THE FORMATION OF VIETNAMESE IDENTITY?
A naon's identy is a cornerstone of its culture, encompassing both mutable and immutable values. Vietnamese identy, rooted in a rich
cultural tapestry, manifests through four disncve characteriscs.
Firstly, there is a profound community consciousness among the Vietnamese people. Living as a closely-knit community, they harbor robust
naonalism and patriosm, valuing family, village, and country. Secondly, exibility and synthesis are integral to Vietnamese identy. Characterized
by open-mindedness, the Vietnamese exhibit a lack of conservaveness, dogmasm, xenophobia, and segregaon. Notably, religious tolerance has
been a hallmark of Vietnamese history, with a conspicuous absence of religious wars. Thirdly, deep senmentalism denes interpersonal relaons in
Vietnamese society. Cooperaon is the bedrock of relaonships, and the societal structure incorporates familial posions as a form of address, such
as calling older women "aunts" and older men "uncles." Finally, Vietnamese identy places utmost respect for women at its core. Linguiscally, "cái"
(female) is appended to signicant enes like "Sông Cái" (Big River) and "ngón cái" (thumb). Notable historical gures like Bà Điểm, Quẹo, Hai
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Bà Trưng are invoked, showcasing a tradion of reverence for women. The formaon of Vietnamese identy can be traced back to the 8th century
BC to the 2nd century BC, a period marked by the Red River civilizaon, where Van Lang and Au Lac cultures coalesced. This era played a pivotal role
in shaping Vietnamese identy, laying the groundwork for the naonalism that would evolve later. The necessity of controlling water resources from
the Red River compelled ancient Viet tribes to unite and form solidarity for survival. Conicts among primive tribes led to their reunion, and
archeological evidence suggests a belief in an aerlife, with weapons buried in ancient tombs. In contrast to other ancient communes, such as Greek
and Lan, and Germanic communes, the Red River civilizaon was based on an Asiac commune, characterized by public ownership of land and the
absence of private ownership. This communal structure fostered social stracaon and laid the foundaon for the deep community consciousness
ingrained in Vietnamese identy. Cultural exchanges during this period, inuenced by North China and Southeast Asia, engendered exibility and
synthesis, shaping the Vietnamese cultural landscape. Agricultural pracces, prevalent during this me, fostered deep senmentalism, contribung
to the emoonal fabric of Vietnamese identy. Addionally, the long-standing inuence of Matriarchy in the region played a pivotal role in shaping
Vietnamese identy, inslling a deep-seated respect for women.
Indeed, the amalgamaon of these mulfaceted elements formed the bedrock of Vietnamese identy. Even before the era of Chinese
dominaon, the Vietnamese people possessed an independent culture and a richly diversied civilizaon. The conuence of community-mindedness,
exibility, synthesis, deep senmentalism, and respect for women forged a disnct identy that ourished independently, contribung to the cultural
tapestry that denes Vietnam. This pre-exisng cultural richness laid the groundwork for resilience and adaptaon, enabling the Vietnamese people
to navigate and shape their desny amidst various historical challenges and inuences.
3. WHAT WERE THE PROCESSES OF SINICIZATION AND DESINICIZATION DURING OVER 10 CENTURIES OF CHINESE DOMINATION? (EXPLAIN
WHY THE VIETNAMESE PEOPLE COULD PRESERVE VIETNAMESE IDENTITY AFTER OVER 10 CENTURIES OF CHINESE DOMINATION)
The theorecal framework of Sinicizaon, synonymous with Chinalizaon, delineates the process by which non-Han Chinese sociees come
under the inuences of the dominant Han Chinese state and society. In contrast, DeSinicizaon denotes the deliberate eliminaon of Chinese
inuences. Together, these processes form the dynamic category of cultural exchanges, a fundamental principle in cultural development within the
realms of culturology and socio-cultural anthropology. The historical backdrop of Sinicizaon and DeSinicizaon in Vietnam is rooted in the Chinese
dominaon that spanned over 10 centuries. Despite this prolonged inuence, the Vietnamese people exhibited resilience and astuteness in
preserving their disnct identy through a pracce known as acculturaon. The period of Chinese rule saw the division of Vietnam into administrave
sub-units, such as Chiao Chih (Giao Chỉ) and Chiu Chen (Cửu Chân), under the umbrella of Chiao Chou (Giao Châu). Chinese rulers implemented
policies that included polical and military suppression, economic exploitaon, and cultural assimilaon. The Chinese sought to impose their
language, are, and customs on the Vietnamese populaon, leading to a signicant challenge to the preservaon of Vietnamese identy. Despite
the challenges posed by Sinicizaon, the Vietnamese people navigated the complex dynamics through both normal and compulsory exchanges.
Normal exchanges allowed for mutual learning between the Vietnamese and Chinese, fostering development through shared knowledge. However,
compulsory exchanges, oen driven by assimilaon eorts, were met with resistance. Vietnamese people employed strategies of DeSinicizaon by
selecvely accepng, receiving, improving, and adapng cultural elements to resist assimilaon. Language and religion emerged as the primary
arenas for the Sinicizaon and DeSinicizaon processes. In terms of language, Chinese authories aimed to eradicate the Vietnamese spoken
language. However, the Vietnamese response involved strategic DeSinicizaon, incorporang the best elements while preserving and enriching their
nave language. Han script was accepted and learned, but the Vietnamese maintained their spoken language in villages and developed Han-Viet
pronunciaon. Addionally, the creaon of Nom scripts, a system based on Chinese characters but enriched with newly invented characters
represenng nave Vietnamese words, showcased a deliberate eort to safeguard and enhance Vietnamese vocabulary.
In essence, the historical saga of Sinicizaon and DeSinicizaon in Vietnam illustrates the intricate dance between preserving cultural identy
and adapng to external inuences, resulng in a resilient and enriched Vietnamese cultural tapestry. In the realm of religion, the interplay of
Sinicizaon and DeSinicizaon manifested as a nuanced combinaon of Confucianism, Taoism, and Chinese Buddhism in Vietnam. The Vietnamese
people adeptly accepted and selecvely incorporated the advantageous aspects of these belief systems. Confucianism exerted a profound inuence,
parcularly in educaon and polics. Vietnamese society embraced the respect for intellectuals and learning, emphasizing social bonds through
concepts like "Tam cương" (the relaonship between emperor and servant, father and son, husband and wife) and the "Ngũ thưng" (Five Virtues:
humanism, equee, loyalty, intelligence, and sincerity). While Confucianism le its mark on Vietnamese culture, there was a discernible departure
from certain Confucian tenets that did not align with Vietnamese values. Notably, the idea of not respecng manual labor and women in
Confucianism was not wholly adopted, as evidenced by the cultural adage "rst my wife, second my heaven" ("nhất vợ nhì trời") in daily dialogues.
Buddhism, a predominant faith in Vietnam, witnessed a unique amalgamaon of inuences. While some aspects, like the concept of Phật, were
inuenced by
Chinese Buddhism, other facets were directly imported from India, contribung to the development of a disncve Vietnamese Buddhist tradion
known as "Tam giáo đồng nguyên," a harmonious fusion of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. This synthesis extended to the adopon of Chinese
orders and the centralizaon of the monarchy court, showcasing a strategic blending of cultural elements. The consequences of Sinicizaon and
DeSinicizaon hold profound signicance for Vietnamese culture. This intricate dance between acceptance and adaptaon was, in essence, the
opmal strategy to preserve Vietnamese identy and foster cultural development. It became the bedrock for the emergence of the second era of
Vietnamese civilizaon, known as Dai Viet or the Great Viet civilizaon. This period saw the ourishing of a diversied and enriched Vietnamese
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culture, rmly grounded in the wisdom of selecvely embracing external inuences while safeguarding the essence of Vietnamese identy. 4. What
were the formaon and development of Đại Việt civilizaon under Lý – Trần Dynasty?
The formaon of the Dai Viet civilizaon was intricately woven through the fabric of historical needs, driven by polical, cultural, and socio-
economic imperaves. Polically, the imperave arose from more than a millennium of Chinese dominance, compelling the Vietnamese people to
safeguard their sovereignty and independence. The specter of Chinese conquest necessitated reunicaon and solidarity, serving as crucial
prerequisites to prevent the recurrence of subjugaon. In 968, the cessaon of anarchy among the 12 warlords by Dinh Bo Linh marked a turning
point. To counter decentralizaon and ensure the unity of the country, the adopon of a centralized monarchy became imperave. The Chinese
model of a centralized monarchy, with the emperor as the son of heaven wielding absolute power, was embraced to create a formidable state. This
polical structure proved pivotal in withstanding external threats, such as Le Hoan's victory over the Sung army, leading to the establishment of the
Earlier Le Dynasty in 981. Culturally, the origins of Van Lang Au Lac persisted, encompassing communitymindedness and the reverence for lial
piety ("Hiếu"). However, with cultural exchanges over ten centuries, a synthesis emerged, culminang in the unique cultural needs of the Dai Viet
civilizaon. The Trần Dynasty witnessed the harmonious combinaon of ancestral roots and creave developments, forming a disncve cultural
landscape. Socio-economically, the Dai Viet civilizaon was shaped by the condions of wet rice agriculture. This system, involving canals and dams
for water control, mirrored the Asiac mode of producon. Public ownership dominated before Chinese dominaon, but with Chinese inuence,
private ownership by a small number of Chinese landlords emerged. However, Vietnamese landlords were even scarcer. By the 10th century, public
ownership sll constuted three-quarters of the land. Under the Trần Dynasty, there was a deliberate eort to inherit, connue, and develop
the wet rice agriculture system. This involved enhancing labor, producvity, and overall capacity. Unfortunately, the collapse of the Dai Viet civilizaon
in the 16th century led to a devastang famine, resulng in widespread starvaon and death. In essence, the Dai Viet civilizaon, molded by polical
unity, cultural synthesis, and socioeconomic adaptaons, encapsulated the resilience and dynamism of the Vietnamese people in the face of historical
challenges.
The development of the Dai Viet civilizaon stands as a pinnacle achievement in culture, encompassing both material and intellectual
dimensions. In terms of material accomplishments, Dai Viet demonstrated remarkable feats in infrastructure and architecture. Over 10,000
kilometers of canals in North Vietnam, constructed during this era, endure to this day. The Thang Long imperial citadel, spanning 40 km2, was a
testament to the grandeur of architectural endeavors. Iconic structures like the One Pillar Pagoda, Pho Minh Temple, and Quy Dien Tower showcased
the sophiscaon and skill of Vietnamese builders. Handicras thrived in specialized villages such as Bát Tràng, renowned for poery, as well as
various others excelling in ceramics, texles, and bronze casng techniques. The development of on-water transportaon added another layer of
sophiscaon to the material aspects of the civilizaon, symbolizing the apex of wet rice agriculture. Intellectually, Dai Viet's achievements were
equally notable. The cultural tolerance that prevailed facilitated a unique fusion of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism. This amalgamaon, oen
described as "3 within 1, 1 within 3," permeated the Vietnamese mind and spirit. Buddhism le its mark on senmental feelings, Confucianism
shaped educaon, polics, and social relaons, and Taoism inuenced the Vietnamese perspecve on harmonious coexistence with nature. The
synthesis of these three religions contributed signicantly to the formaon of Vietnamese identy. Anh Tông's establishment of the school of
three religions, where monks from Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism were educated simultaneously, exemplied this harmonious integraon.
Monks of these religions even held ocial posions, demonstrang a remarkable level of tolerance and cooperaon. The inuence of these religions
extended into poetry and literature, shaping the cultural and intellectual landscape of Dai Viet. The intellectual achievements were not conned to
the realm of religion. Dai Viet showcased a deep and unique naonalism, marked by a disnct polical and military art. Polical art was characterized
by special relaonships, such as the bond between general and army, the formaon of a royal family with the emperor and ocials, and diplomac
measures to maintain cohesion between the majority and minority populaons through polical marriages. Military art encompassed a strategic
combinaon of guerilla and regular armies, diplomac nesse, and segregaon taccs to successfully resist Mongolian invasions. In maers of
governance, Dai Viet implemented a wring court and criminal court, demonstrang an advanced legal system. Educaon saw the establishment of
the rst naonal school, Quoc Tu Giam, reecng a commitment to intellectual development. In essence, the Dai Viet civilizaon represented a
harmonious convergence of material and intellectual achievements, leaving an enduring legacy in the annals of Vietnamese history.
In conclusion, the legacy of the Dai Viet civilizaon is indelibly woven into the fabric of Vietnam's history and identy. The material and
intellectual achievements of Dai Viet not only laid the foundaons for the thriving naon we recognize today but also connue to shape the cultural,
social, and polical landscape for successive generaons. The resilience, ingenuity, and harmonious synthesis of various elements within the Dai Viet
civilizaon have le an enduring imprint on the Vietnamese collecve consciousness. Without the Dai Viet civilizaon, Vietnam as we know it would
not exist, underscoring the profound and lasng impact of this historical epoch on the naon's trajectory. The ongoing inheritance of values,
tradions, and cultural richness from Dai Viet serves as a testament to its enduring signicance in shaping the identy and connuity of Vietnam
through the ages.
5. WHAT WERE THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS DURING THE PERIOD OF THE 15TH – 18TH CENTURY?
The historical backdrop from the 15th to the 18th century in Vietnam witnessed a series of polical transformaons and socio-economic
shis, both posive and negave.
On the negave side, the most signicant challenge was the three-century division of the country into the northern and southern parts.
Historically, unity strengthened a naon, while division weakened it. Civil wars among feudal groups, such as the conicts between Mạc and Nguyễn
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Kim, Trịnh and Nguyễn, and later Tây Sơn against Nguyễn Ánh, further exacerbated the destabilizing eects. However, on the posive side, this period
also saw notable peasant movements, parcularly the Tây Sơn uprising during the 16th to 18th centuries. The Tây Sơn brothers' peasant wars
successfully challenged exisng polical regimes, defeang both local powers and foreign invaders like the Siamese and Tsing armies. Socio-economic
changes during this me were marked by alteraons in land ownership. While public ownership dominated from the 11th to the 15th century,
accounng for two-thirds of the land, by the 18th century, there was a shi towards decreasing public land and increasing private land. The reducon
of public land to one-third and the rise of small peasants and landlords reected posive changes. However, the peasant movements struggled to
address the underlying queson of historical needs, resulng in a crisis. Moreover, new factors emerged in society, signaling the onset of capitalism
with a higher development of commodity economics and the advent of wage labor. The establishment of handicras factories indicated class
dierenaon, yet the growth of these elements remained slow due to the conservasm of mul-mode producon and feudalism. The entrenched
communal land system in Vietnam kept peasants ed to their villages, unlike in Europe where peasants le to form factories, hindering the
development of capitalist seeds.
Socially, the class structure underwent changes in the 18th century, marked by a decrease in the number of notables and a rapid increase in
landlords, tenants, and small peasants. However, a deep contradicon persisted between landlords and peasants. The absence of signicant
industrial development and progressive classes, such as capitalists and workers, resulted in a lack of strata and revoluon in society, culminang in
a comprehensive crisis. 6. WHY DID THE NGUYỄN COURT LOSE THE INDEPENDENCE OF VIETNAM IN THE LATE 19
TH
CENTURY?
The historical background during this period, marked by French colonial intrusion into Vietnam, unfolded as follows: On August 31st, 1858,
the French inially arrived in Vietnam in Đà Nẵng. Following their failure in the Đà Nẵng bale, the French redirected their eorts towards Gia Định.
By 1862, through the Nhâm Tuất agreement, the French gained control over three eastern provinces (Biên Hòa, Gia Định, and Định Tường) and three
western provinces (Vĩnh Long, An Giang, and Hà Tiên) by 1867, establishing their rule over southern Vietnam. In 1873, the French aacked Hà Ni
citadel for the rst me, resulng in the death of Nguyễn Tri Phương. The second agreement in 1874 ocially acknowledged French dominaon in
Vietnam. In 1882, the French launched a second aack on Nội, leading to the suicide of Hoàng Diệu. The Harmand agreement was signed in
August 1883, followed by the complete surrender agreement known as the Patenotre treaty in 1884. The reasons behind Vietnam losing its
independence encompass both objecve and subjecve factors. Objecvely, the changing landscape of global capitalism in the 19th century
witnessed the transion from capitalism of free compeon to imperialism, characterized by monopolized capitalism. France emerged as one of the
imperialist powers, and the objecve trend of capitalism's development was marked by the need to expand and secure new natural resources,
markets, and sources of cheap labor through colonialism. This objecve process of colonizaon unfolded worldwide, parcularly in Asia, Lan
America, and Africa. However, some countries, like Thailand and Japan, managed to avoid colonizaon due to eecve leadership and strategic
policies. Japan, for instance, underwent the Meiji reform, similar to a capitalist revoluon, modernizing the country with a focus on industrialism and
capitalism. In contrast, Vietnam's leadership, under Tự Đức emperor, rejected proposals for similar reforms presented by gures like Nguyễn Trường
Tộ, leading to a signicant decline. Thailand, posioned as a buer area between Britain and France, successfully balanced the inuence of both
powers through open-door policies. Ulmately, the subjecve aspect, especially the policies of feudal authories in Asia, played a crucial role in
determining whether a country succumbed to colonizaon or successfully navigated the challenges posed by imperialist powers.
The subjecve reasons for Vietnam's loss of independence during this period can be aributed to the mistakes made by the Nguyn Dynasty
in both internal and external policies. Economically, the Nguyễn Court implemented a closed-door policy, ceasing exchanges with foreigners and
adhering to outdated agricultural pracces with low capacity and producvity. The absolute ownership of the landlord class hindered economic
development, supporng feudalism, which was regressive in the 19th century. Barriers to import and export, such as heavy taxes, sed the growth
of handicras and industry, and the absence of modernizaon in the monetary system hampered economic progress. In social policy, there existed
a profound contradicon between the landlord class and small tenant peasants, leading to numerous peasant uprisings. Peasants faced heavy taxes,
labor levies, and rice rents imposed by landlords, exacerbang inequality in society. The feudalist class, comprising notables and bureaucrac ranks,
became the ruling class, while peasants and laborers became the ruled class. Polically, the Nguyễn Court adopted a centralized power model similar
to the Tsing feudalist monarchy, resulng in a bureaucrac system with elements of dictatorship. Cricism of the emperor was sed, leading to
corrupon within the court. Aempts by reformer Nguyễn Trường Tto propose reforms similar to the Meiji reform were ignored due to a lack of
understanding of Western countries. In the military sphere, the weakness of the Nguyễn army stemmed from a lack of modern weapons, inadequate
training, and a dearth of eecve strategies to defend the country. The absence of a strong navy and powerful warships further weakened Vietnam's
military capabilies. Culturally, educaon remained unchanged, with tradional pracces hindering naonal development. The exclusive focus on
Confucianism, parcularly the reaconary Sung Confucianism, defended obsolete relaonships between the king and servants, undermining
progress. The Nguyễn Court's resistance to new religions, exemplied by the persecuon of Chrisan believers, further hindered cultural exibility.
Moreover, the Nguyễn Court pursued misguided strategies during French aacks, failing to capitalize on favorable moments for counteraacks. The
signing of negoaon agreements when there were opportunies for counteraacks and the failure to respond to a limited number of French troops
during 1858-1861 were deemed unreasonable naonal defense policies.
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7. WHAT WERE THE CULTURAL, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATIONS IN VIETNAM UNDER THE FRENCHDOMINATION
AND EXPLOITATION IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY?
Aer the Patenotre agreement in 1884, the period from 1897 to 1913 marked the rst phase of French exploitaon in
Vietnam under General Governor Paul Doumer. This phase focused on establishing infrastructure for the mining industry. Following World War I,
from 1919 to 1928, the second phase of exploitaon, under General Albert Sarraut, targeted agricultural exploitaon in the Mekong Delta while sll
connuing mining acvies in North and Central Vietnam. The overarching colonial objecve of the French was the exploitaon of Vietnam, aiming
for higher monopoly interests through the ulizaon of cheap labor and raw material resources. Colonial policies in Vietnam and Indochina were
mul-faceted. In polics, the French implemented a "divide to rule" strategy, fostering internal conicts among the Vietnamese, accompanied by
brutal suppression. Culturally, assimilaon eorts were made through Westernizaon and a "stupid people" policy. Economically, the focus was on
colonial exploitaon to extract maximum super interests. Summarily, the basic policies encompassed four key aspects. Firstly, the French aimed to
maintain the "mul-mode of producon" in the socio-economic formaon, connuing outdated modes instead of fostering modernizaon. Secondly,
France sought to keep Vietnam within the orbit of the worldwide market of French colonialism, achieving trade surpluses for 41 out of 50 years from
1890 to 1939. Thirdly, privileges and concessions were granted to French businessmen, providing them with priority to monopolize trade. Fourthly,
the French aimed to limit industrializaon, concentrang on exploing mining industries while restricng manufacturing industries to prevent
compeon with French industries. Under French dominaon in the early 20th century, Vietnam underwent both negave and posive
transformaons. Economically, the "economic traite" policy exploited Vietnam for the benet of France, but there were signs of economic
modernizaon and the emergence of capitalist urbanizaon in cies like Sài Gòn, Hà Nội, and Hải Phòng. Societal changes included the dierenaon
of classes, with the development of a strong landlord class and the emergence of capitalist, small bourgeoisie, and worker classes. Culturally,
acculturaon eorts included Westernizaon and Dewesternizaon, with the introducon of Chrisanity and Catholicism.
In conclusion, while the negave aspects of French colonial rule are acknowledged, it is essenal to recognize the posive transformaons
that occurred, paving the way for Vietnam's connued development.
8. What was the crisis of way for naonal salvaon from the late 19th unl the early 20th century?
Examining the historical background, since the French aack in 1858, Nguyễn Dynasty consistently employed ineecve naonal defense
strategies. Between 1861 and 1867, numerous patrioc uprisings led by gures like Nguyễn Trung Trực, Trương Định, Thủ Khoa Huân, and others
emerged, yet most met with failure. TĐức's passing in July 1883 iniated a succession crisis, with three emperors—Dục Đức, Hiệp Hòa, and Kiến
Phúc—within a few months. In May 1884, Hàm Nghi ascended the throne, and in July 1885, the "Cần Vương proclamaon," rallying support against
the French, was issued. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, three signicant patrioc movements unfolded. In the late 19th century, the
prominent "Cần Vương proclamaon" featured uprisings like Ba Đình, Bãi Sậy, Hương Khê, and Hoàng Hoa Thám. These movements, rooted in
feudalism and inuenced by Confucianism, faltered due to insucient preparaon and a lack of solidarity. The feudal ideology proved obsolete, and
the failure le Vietnamese patriots in a crisis regarding the path to naonal salvaon. The early 20thcentury patrioc movements were inuenced
by reformist movements in China and Japan. Chinese reformists Kang Yew Wei and Liang Ki Chao, advocang for a shi from feudalism to democracy,
inspired Vietnamese Confucianists. Japan's Meiji reform also inuenced Vietnamese patriots, including Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh. Phan Bội
Châu sent Vietnamese students to Japan but faced challenges from French authories, leading him to China, Thailand, and eventual capture by the
French in
Shanghai. Meanwhile, Phan Chu Trinh believed in cooperaon with the French, misunderstanding the exploitave nature of French colonialism. The
failures of the early 20th-century movements stemmed from awed strategies. Phan Bội Châu erred by misjudging Japan's imperialisc nature and
neglecng the socio-economic transformaons and contradicons in Vietnamese society. Both Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh failed to recognize
the signicance of the peasant class, comprising 90% of the populaon. They misunderstood the enemies and the role of the progressive class, given
the limited presence of a leading class at the me. In essence, the historical limitaon was the absence of a leading class during the early 20th
century, rendering even talented gures like Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh unable to overcome the crisis and historical constraints. The third
patrioc movement unfolded in the aermath of World War I. During the 1920s, Vietnam experienced inuences from China with the "Three People"
slogan (independence, happiness, freedom), the French Revoluon ideology, and the Soviet Union, parcularly the October Revoluon. In the
capitalist class, reformism gained tracon with the establishment of the Constuonal Party by Bùi Quang Chiêu, aiming for polical reform. Various
movements, including struggles against the monopoly of the Sài Gòn port and acvies by small bourgeoisie and intellectuals, emerged. Progressive
newspapers like "Cracked Bell" by Nguyễn An Ninh and polical pares such as the Party of Mind by Phạm Hồng Thái and the Vietnamese
Revoluonary Party contributed to the cricism of French colonialism. However, these movements faced challenges similar to previous periods. The
failure stemmed from adopng incorrect approaches to saving the country. Many pares failed to idenfy the enemies accurately and lacked a clear
strategy for naonal salvaon. While French colonialists were recognized as adversaries, the landlord class was not idened as the second enemy
of the Vietnamese people. As a result, the basic contradicons in Vietnamese society aer World War I went unrecognized. Lack of clarity on
revoluonary forces and the absence of a leading class led to a spontaneous process with awed methodologies, causing division, lack of solidarity,
and no unicaon. Vietnam connued to grapple with crises. To overcome these challenges, inuences from the October Revoluon and the acvies
of Nguyễn Ái Quốc (later known as Hồ Chí Minh) played a pivotal role. In 1911, Nguyễn Tất Thành le Sài Gòn in search of naonal salvaon. He
respected gures like Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh but recognized the need for a dierent approach. By 1920, Nguyễn Ái Quốc had become
lOMoARcPSD| 58097008
the rst communist in Vietnam and joined the French Communist Party. Over the next decade, he worked to disseminate Marxism and Leninism in
Vietnam, oering a new path for naonal salvaon. In August 1925, he founded the Associaon of Revoluonary Youths and engaged in various
acvies, including publishing the "Youths" newspaper and opening training classes in Guangzhou to prepare for the party's formaon. He claried
the enemies of the Vietnamese people, idened the revoluonary forces, and pointed out potenal allies for cooperaon. The dignied role of the
communist party emerged, culminang in the establishment of the Vietnamese Communist Party in February 1930 by Nguyễn Ái Quốc, marking the
resoluon of the crisis in the path for naonal salvaon.
9. WHAT WERE THE REASONS FOR THE VICTORY OF THE AUGUST REVOLUTION IN 1945?
Aer the establishment of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 1930, later transformed into the Indochina Communist Party, a 15-year
preparaon unfolded in three disnct periods of movements leading up to the swi and decisive August Revoluon in 1945, which declared
Vietnam's independence. The victory of the August Revoluon in 1945 can be aributed to both objecve and subjecve reasons. The most crucial
objecve reason was the failure of fascism in World War II. As Japanese fascists surrendered in 1945, a highly favorable condion emerged for the
Vietnamese revoluon. The overall defeat of fascism, marked by the collapse of German fascism in May 1945, created a turning point and provided
an opportune moment for Vietnamese uprisings. While Western historians oen consider this the primary factor, it is crucial to recognize the
signicance of subjecve reasons. The subjecve reasons are rooted in the leadership of the Indochina Communist Party, led by Hồ Chí Minh, and
the heroism of the Vietnamese people. The party's 15-year preparaon, characterized by a meculous strategy and the ability to seize favorable
moments, played a pivotal role. Hồ Chí Minh's concise manifesto and Trần Phú's thesis guided the party in leading the masses through economic and
polical struggles, eventually transioning to military struggles and awaing opportune moments for armed uprisings. Revoluonary forces were
comprised of peasants, proletariats, small bourgeoisie, and naonal capitalists. Internaonal solidarity from colonial people in Western countries
and the global proletariat was recognized as essenal. The high de of 1930-1931, exemplied by the Soviet Union in Nghệ-Tĩnh, represented the
inial groundwork. Although this revoluonary government was violently suppressed by the French and ulmately collapsed, it le profound
implicaons. The Soviet Union in Nghệ-Tĩnh showcased the Vietnamese Communist Party's commitment to the lines of Vietnamese revoluon,
emphasizing solidarity among classes. Despite its failure, the episode yielded valuable lessons and experiences that guided future uprisings. The third
phase of preparaon, spanning from 1939 to 1945, directly paved the way for the August Revoluon and unfolded in three disnct periods. From
1939 to 1941, strategic lines for the revoluon were delineated through three Central Commiee meengs of the Indochina Communist Party: the
6th (November 1939), 7th (November 1940), and 8th (May 1941), the laer of which saw the return of Nguyễn Ái Quốc to Vietnam. In 1940, Nguyễn
Ái Quốc foresaw the impending failure of fascism, prompng various countries, including Vietnam, to contemplate uprisings. The key objecves were
clearly outlined during these meengs, emphasizing naonal liberaon. Two strategic goals emerged: defeang the French for naonal independence
and challenging the landlord class for the "land-to-the-ller" slogan. Eventually, this evolved into the broader objecve of acquiring land from
enemies (French and reaconary landlords) and redistribung it to poor and landless peasants, fostering crucial solidarity. Addionally, naonal unity
was fostered through the establishment of the "Front" – a coalion for great naonal solidarity encompassing various classes, ranks, and strata. The
Việt Minh Front was specically established during the 8th meeng. The central focus during this period was the preparaon for military uprisings,
which necessitated determining favorable moments, forces, and clearly dening the structure of uprisings in Vietnam. Local uprisings were iniated
as preliminary acons, seng the stage for a general uprising during opportune moments. From 1941 to March 9, 1945, eorts were concentrated
on building revoluonary forces and bases. The Việt Minh Front was instrumental in organizing polical forces, including women, youths, and
peasants, rallying for naonal salvaon. On the military front, following the Bắc Sơn uprisings in 1940, Hồ Chí Minh established small guerrilla units
known as Bắc Sơn guerrillas, subsequently evolving into an army for naonal salvaon the platoon. The Naonal-liberang Vietnamese army for
propaganda was founded on December 22, 1944. Bases were established in the mountainous provinces of North Vietnam, such as Cao, Bắc, Lạng,
Hà, Tuyên, and Thái. Notably, Cao Bằng, connected with Bắc Sơn - Võ Nhai base, laid the foundaon for Việt Bắc base. In the third period, from March
9 to August 1945, local uprisings were the focal point. While Japan and France had co-dominated Vietnam from fall 1940 to March 1945, the balance
shied on March 9 when the Japanese swily overturned French dominaon to assume power. The impending collapse of fascism due to an
imbalance between the Allied Army and Fascism presented a new opportunity. In June 1945, Việt Bắc base was established, and local uprisings
intensied in mountainous regions. Hồ Chí Minh astutely predicted Japanese surrender, iniang polical struggles and mass movements to avert a
devastang famine. The August 1945 naonal conference in Tân Trào marked the ocial commencement of the uprising. Within just two weeks of
the rst uprising on August 14th, the general uprisings unfolded, taking advantage of the opportune me before the Allied Army arrived to disarm
the Japanese. The decision not to iniate the revoluon earlier was aributed to the power imbalance between Vietnamese revoluonaries and
Japanese forces, as well as the signicant military presence in the region.
10. IN YOUR OPINION WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT THE VIET NAM WAR (1955 – 1975)?
According to Mark Bradley, the noon that re-establishing a posive relaonship with America aer the August Revoluon could have averted
the Vietnam War is contested by many who argue that the conict was inevitable. Rather than a mere confrontaon between two countries, the war
unfolded as a clash between capitalism and socialism. Several factors underscored the signicance of Vietnam in this ideological struggle: its crucial
strategic posion and abundant resources. The aermath of World War II witnessed Vietnam's remarkable achievements in naonal liberaon
movements, propelling the global an-imperialist cause. The 1945 August Revoluon led to the establishment of the Democrac Republic of Vietnam,
fostering the potenal spread of socialism in Southeast Asia and beyond. The indirect U.S. intervenon in Vietnam through support to French
colonialism, starng in 1956, was prompted by the fear of socialism expanding in the region. The U.S. employed various strategies during its
involvement, including the one-sided war or Eisenhouse strategy, marked by the exible response encompassing special, local, and all-out wars.
Vietnam, lacking a convenonal army, relied on polical force and guerrilla taccs, exemplied by mass struggles such as the Dong Khoi uprising. The
lOMoARcPSD| 58097008
special war involved a comprehensive approach, combining polical and military forces across three fronts: mountainous, rural and delta, and urban
regions. The military force comprised the guerrilla army, local army, and regular army. The period before 1968 witnessed a combinaon of oensives
and uprisings, while from 1968 to 1975, there was a shi to a general oensive and uprising. In the special war, the U.S. deployed over 560,000 well-
armed puppet soldiers by the end of 1964, seeking to suppress revoluonary forces. In contrast, the people in South Vietnam expanded their
resistance in three fronts: military, polics, and propaganda. Key victories in bales like Ap Bac (My Tho) in 1963 and Binh Gia (Vung Tau) in 1964
signaled the failure of the U.S. special war strategy. The local war, iniated by the U.S. in March 1965, aimed to halt the spread of people's struggles
in South Vietnam. Despite the increasing number of American soldiers, Southern revoluonary forces persevered, defeang U.S. aacks in the South.
The U.S. resorted to bombing the North, culminang in the "Air Dien Bien Phu" bale in late 1972, forcing the signing of the Paris Convenon in
1973. The U.S. violated the agreement, supporng Nguyen Van Thieu's invasion of the liberated zone. The General Aack and Uprising in spring 1975
led to victory, declaring Vietnam's independence and unity. This triumph underscored the polical independent strategy of the Vietnamese
Communist Party, mobilizing the enre naon to achieve two strategic tasks simultaneously. The victory's roots lay in the tradional patriosm of
the Vietnamese people and their revoluonary heroism. The eecve contribuons from the North, solidarity among the three Indochinese
countries, and global support, parcularly from the USSR, China, and other socialist naons, played pivotal roles in the triumph over an imperialist
enemy.

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lOMoAR cPSD| 58097008 NOTES
1. WHAT ARE THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF VIETNAMESE HISTORY & CULTURE?
Vietnam boasts a rich historical tapestry marked by numerous conflicts, notably resistance wars against foreign intruders. The Van Lang–Au
Lac civilization witnessed Chao To's conquest of Au Lac in 179 BC, leading to the establishment of the Nan Yue Kingdom until 111 BC. Subsequently,
the Han Dynasty ushered in a 10-century era of Chinese dominance. Throughout this period, brave Vietnamese uprisings against Chinese rule, such
as those led by the Trung sisters, Ms. Trieu, Phung Hung, Ly Bi, and Trieu Quang Phuc, were prevalent. The turning point arrived in 938 AD when Ngo
Quyen triumphed over the Southern Han troops on the Bach Dang River, heralding an era of independence. Following a protracted civil war among
12 warlords, Dinh Bo Linh successfully unified the country. In the Earlier Le Dynasty, Le Hoan emerged victorious against invading Sung forces from
China. The Tran Dynasty saw the Vietnamese army triumph against the formidable Mongolian–Yuan troops, who attacked the country three times.
In the Later Le Dynasty, Le Loi expelled the Ming troops and established control in 1427-1428. However, subsequent divisions emerged, with the
Northern Court under the rule of the Mac and the Southern Court under the Le. The Trinh – Nguyen War, precipitated by the collapse of the Mac in
1592, endured until the 18th century when the Tay Son brothers rose to prominence. In 1788 – 1789, Nguyen Hue's decisive victory over 290,000
Tsing troops led to the inception of the Tay Son Dynasty. The 19th century brought French colonial aggression, culminating in the Indochina War from
1846 to 1954, a resolute resistance against French imperialism. Post-French defeat, Vietnam found itself entangled in The Vietnam War, a struggle
against American intervention for national salvation. The triumphant general offensive and uprising in 1979 thwarted Neo-colonialism and unified
the country. Following independence, Vietnam faced the Southwest Border War and confronted a formidable Chinese force of 600,000 troops in
1979. Presently, the nation contends with ongoing territorial disputes at sea with China.
Vietnam's cultural landscape is distinguished by a unique blend of acculturation, notably exemplified by Sinicization and Desinicization.
Sinicization, a dynamic process of cultural exchanges, encompasses both voluntary and compelled interactions.
The latter, a consequence of Chinese assimilation during a millennium of Chinese dominance, left a profound imprint on
Vietnamese society. Desinicization, however, reflects a deliberate departure from Chinese influences. Notably, the adoption of Nom scripts, a
deviation from Han scripts, incorporated newly invented characters representing native Vietnamese words. The incorporation of Han-Vietnamese
pronunciation further exemplified this departure. Similarly, Westernization and Dewesternization have shaped Vietnam's cultural evolution since the
16th century. Westernization introduced both organic and imposed changes, including the adoption of the Latin alphabet and the propagation of
Catholicism and Protestantism, which emerged as new religious facets in Vietnam. Dewesternization, conversely, is evident in the structuring of
universities and the education system, technological integration, and the adaptation of foreign words from Western languages into Vietnamese
pronunciation. The infusion of Marxist ideology through Ho Chi Minh further exemplifies this complex interplay. Presently, Vietnam is engaged in a
Dewesternization process to cultivate a modern Vietnamese culture that preserves its unique identity. Simultaneously, traces of Hinduisation are
discernible in cultural landmarks like the My Son Holy Land in central Vietnam, underscoring the diverse influences that have contributed to Vietnam's
cultural tapestry. The intricate interweaving of these cultural elements reflects Vietnam's ability to adapt, evolve, and assert its distinctive identity
amidst a rich history of acculturation.
Vietnamese history and culture unfold across two distinct cycles of civilization, each playing a pivotal role in shaping the nation's identity. The
first cycle, characterized by the Red River civilization or Van Lang – Au Lac civilization, marked a period of remarkable cultural achievements. Van
Lang and Au Lac, the initial states of the Vietnamese people, showcased the nation's ability to unite diverse tribes, indicating differentiation of classes
and the strength to construct canals along the Red River. The foundation laid during this civilization is integral to the very essence of Vietnamese
culture, and without it, the Vietnam we know today would not exist. Following the collapse of the Red River civilization, Vietnam endured ten
centuries of Chinese domination. The turning point came in 938 with Ngo Quyen's victory against the Southern Han on the Bach Dang River, ushering
in the second era of Vietnamese civilization known as the Great Viet/Dai Viet civilization during the Ly – Tran – Later Le Dynasty. This period witnessed
significant cultural advancements, and without Dai Viet civilization, the Vietnam of today would not have emerged. However, the civilization's
collapse in the 16th century led to division, civil wars, and peasant uprisings, plunging Vietnam into colonization and a diminished standard of living.
The 1986 Doi Moi Policy signaled a renewed hope for the Vietnamese people to reclaim their civilization with the establishment of the Vietnamese
Socialist Republic. Notably, Vietnamese history and culture exhibit a unique development of socio-economic formations. While the European world
transitioned through primitive communism, slave-owning societies, federalism, and capitalism, the Vietnamese trajectory began with primitive
communism and progressed through the Asiatic mode of production, federalism, and then semi-feudal colonial society intertwined with colonial
capitalism. Unlike the European model, where remnants of old societies lasted briefly in the new, Vietnamese socio-economic formations persisted
without cessation up until 1945. For instance, primitive society persisted in certain mountainous regions, devoid of landlords but characterized by
distinctions between rich and poor. In essence, the Vietnamese world experienced a continuous coexistence of multiple modes of production,
underscoring the nation's rich and diverse historical tapestry.
2. WHAT WERE THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE RED RIVER CIVILIZATION AND THE FORMATION OF VIETNAMESE IDENTITY?
A nation's identity is a cornerstone of its culture, encompassing both mutable and immutable values. Vietnamese identity, rooted in a rich
cultural tapestry, manifests through four distinctive characteristics.
Firstly, there is a profound community consciousness among the Vietnamese people. Living as a closely-knit community, they harbor robust
nationalism and patriotism, valuing family, village, and country. Secondly, flexibility and synthesis are integral to Vietnamese identity. Characterized
by open-mindedness, the Vietnamese exhibit a lack of conservativeness, dogmatism, xenophobia, and segregation. Notably, religious tolerance has
been a hallmark of Vietnamese history, with a conspicuous absence of religious wars. Thirdly, deep sentimentalism defines interpersonal relations in
Vietnamese society. Cooperation is the bedrock of relationships, and the societal structure incorporates familial positions as a form of address, such
as calling older women "aunts" and older men "uncles." Finally, Vietnamese identity places utmost respect for women at its core. Linguistically, "cái"
(female) is appended to significant entities like "Sông Cái" (Big River) and "ngón cái" (thumb). Notable historical figures like Bà Điểm, Bà Quẹo, Hai lOMoAR cPSD| 58097008
Bà Trưng are invoked, showcasing a tradition of reverence for women. The formation of Vietnamese identity can be traced back to the 8th century
BC to the 2nd century BC, a period marked by the Red River civilization, where Van Lang and Au Lac cultures coalesced. This era played a pivotal role
in shaping Vietnamese identity, laying the groundwork for the nationalism that would evolve later. The necessity of controlling water resources from
the Red River compelled ancient Viet tribes to unite and form solidarity for survival. Conflicts among primitive tribes led to their reunion, and
archeological evidence suggests a belief in an afterlife, with weapons buried in ancient tombs. In contrast to other ancient communes, such as Greek
and Latin, and Germanic communes, the Red River civilization was based on an Asiatic commune, characterized by public ownership of land and the
absence of private ownership. This communal structure fostered social stratification and laid the foundation for the deep community consciousness
ingrained in Vietnamese identity. Cultural exchanges during this period, influenced by North China and Southeast Asia, engendered flexibility and
synthesis, shaping the Vietnamese cultural landscape. Agricultural practices, prevalent during this time, fostered deep sentimentalism, contributing
to the emotional fabric of Vietnamese identity. Additionally, the long-standing influence of Matriarchy in the region played a pivotal role in shaping
Vietnamese identity, instilling a deep-seated respect for women.
Indeed, the amalgamation of these multifaceted elements formed the bedrock of Vietnamese identity. Even before the era of Chinese
domination, the Vietnamese people possessed an independent culture and a richly diversified civilization. The confluence of community-mindedness,
flexibility, synthesis, deep sentimentalism, and respect for women forged a distinct identity that flourished independently, contributing to the cultural
tapestry that defines Vietnam. This pre-existing cultural richness laid the groundwork for resilience and adaptation, enabling the Vietnamese people
to navigate and shape their destiny amidst various historical challenges and influences.
3. WHAT WERE THE PROCESSES OF SINICIZATION AND DESINICIZATION DURING OVER 10 CENTURIES OF CHINESE DOMINATION? (EXPLAIN
WHY THE VIETNAMESE PEOPLE COULD PRESERVE VIETNAMESE IDENTITY AFTER OVER 10 CENTURIES OF CHINESE DOMINATION)
The theoretical framework of Sinicization, synonymous with Chinalization, delineates the process by which non-Han Chinese societies come
under the influences of the dominant Han Chinese state and society. In contrast, DeSinicization denotes the deliberate elimination of Chinese
influences. Together, these processes form the dynamic category of cultural exchanges, a fundamental principle in cultural development within the
realms of culturology and socio-cultural anthropology. The historical backdrop of Sinicization and DeSinicization in Vietnam is rooted in the Chinese
domination that spanned over 10 centuries. Despite this prolonged influence, the Vietnamese people exhibited resilience and astuteness in
preserving their distinct identity through a practice known as acculturation. The period of Chinese rule saw the division of Vietnam into administrative
sub-units, such as Chiao Chih (Giao Chỉ) and Chiu Chen (Cửu Chân), under the umbrella of Chiao Chou (Giao Châu). Chinese rulers implemented
policies that included political and military suppression, economic exploitation, and cultural assimilation. The Chinese sought to impose their
language, attire, and customs on the Vietnamese population, leading to a significant challenge to the preservation of Vietnamese identity. Despite
the challenges posed by Sinicization, the Vietnamese people navigated the complex dynamics through both normal and compulsory exchanges.
Normal exchanges allowed for mutual learning between the Vietnamese and Chinese, fostering development through shared knowledge. However,
compulsory exchanges, often driven by assimilation efforts, were met with resistance. Vietnamese people employed strategies of DeSinicization by
selectively accepting, receiving, improving, and adapting cultural elements to resist assimilation. Language and religion emerged as the primary
arenas for the Sinicization and DeSinicization processes. In terms of language, Chinese authorities aimed to eradicate the Vietnamese spoken
language. However, the Vietnamese response involved strategic DeSinicization, incorporating the best elements while preserving and enriching their
native language. Han script was accepted and learned, but the Vietnamese maintained their spoken language in villages and developed Han-Viet
pronunciation. Additionally, the creation of Nom scripts, a system based on Chinese characters but enriched with newly invented characters
representing native Vietnamese words, showcased a deliberate effort to safeguard and enhance Vietnamese vocabulary.
In essence, the historical saga of Sinicization and DeSinicization in Vietnam illustrates the intricate dance between preserving cultural identity
and adapting to external influences, resulting in a resilient and enriched Vietnamese cultural tapestry. In the realm of religion, the interplay of
Sinicization and DeSinicization manifested as a nuanced combination of Confucianism, Taoism, and Chinese Buddhism in Vietnam. The Vietnamese
people adeptly accepted and selectively incorporated the advantageous aspects of these belief systems. Confucianism exerted a profound influence,
particularly in education and politics. Vietnamese society embraced the respect for intellectuals and learning, emphasizing social bonds through
concepts like "Tam cương" (the relationship between emperor and servant, father and son, husband and wife) and the "Ngũ thường" (Five Virtues:
humanism, etiquette, loyalty, intelligence, and sincerity). While Confucianism left its mark on Vietnamese culture, there was a discernible departure
from certain Confucian tenets that did not align with Vietnamese values. Notably, the idea of not respecting manual labor and women in
Confucianism was not wholly adopted, as evidenced by the cultural adage "first my wife, second my heaven" ("nhất vợ nhì trời") in daily dialogues.
Buddhism, a predominant faith in Vietnam, witnessed a unique amalgamation of influences. While some aspects, like the concept of Phật, were influenced by
Chinese Buddhism, other facets were directly imported from India, contributing to the development of a distinctive Vietnamese Buddhist tradition
known as "Tam giáo đồng nguyên," a harmonious fusion of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. This synthesis extended to the adoption of Chinese
orders and the centralization of the monarchy court, showcasing a strategic blending of cultural elements. The consequences of Sinicization and
DeSinicization hold profound significance for Vietnamese culture. This intricate dance between acceptance and adaptation was, in essence, the
optimal strategy to preserve Vietnamese identity and foster cultural development. It became the bedrock for the emergence of the second era of
Vietnamese civilization, known as Dai Viet or the Great Viet civilization. This period saw the flourishing of a diversified and enriched Vietnamese lOMoAR cPSD| 58097008
culture, firmly grounded in the wisdom of selectively embracing external influences while safeguarding the essence of Vietnamese identity. 4. What
were the formation and development of Đại Việt civilization under Lý – Trần Dynasty?

The formation of the Dai Viet civilization was intricately woven through the fabric of historical needs, driven by political, cultural, and socio-
economic imperatives. Politically, the imperative arose from more than a millennium of Chinese dominance, compelling the Vietnamese people to
safeguard their sovereignty and independence. The specter of Chinese conquest necessitated reunification and solidarity, serving as crucial
prerequisites to prevent the recurrence of subjugation. In 968, the cessation of anarchy among the 12 warlords by Dinh Bo Linh marked a turning
point. To counter decentralization and ensure the unity of the country, the adoption of a centralized monarchy became imperative. The Chinese
model of a centralized monarchy, with the emperor as the son of heaven wielding absolute power, was embraced to create a formidable state. This
political structure proved pivotal in withstanding external threats, such as Le Hoan's victory over the Sung army, leading to the establishment of the
Earlier Le Dynasty in 981. Culturally, the origins of Van Lang – Au Lac persisted, encompassing communitymindedness and the reverence for filial
piety ("Hiếu"). However, with cultural exchanges over ten centuries, a synthesis emerged, culminating in the unique cultural needs of the Dai Viet
civilization. The Lý – Trần Dynasty witnessed the harmonious combination of ancestral roots and creative developments, forming a distinctive cultural
landscape. Socio-economically, the Dai Viet civilization was shaped by the conditions of wet rice agriculture. This system, involving canals and dams
for water control, mirrored the Asiatic mode of production. Public ownership dominated before Chinese domination, but with Chinese influence,
private ownership by a small number of Chinese landlords emerged. However, Vietnamese landlords were even scarcer. By the 10th century, public
ownership still constituted three-quarters of the land. Under the Lý – Trần Dynasty, there was a deliberate effort to inherit, continue, and develop
the wet rice agriculture system. This involved enhancing labor, productivity, and overall capacity. Unfortunately, the collapse of the Dai Viet civilization
in the 16th century led to a devastating famine, resulting in widespread starvation and death. In essence, the Dai Viet civilization, molded by political
unity, cultural synthesis, and socioeconomic adaptations, encapsulated the resilience and dynamism of the Vietnamese people in the face of historical challenges.
The development of the Dai Viet civilization stands as a pinnacle achievement in culture, encompassing both material and intellectual
dimensions. In terms of material accomplishments, Dai Viet demonstrated remarkable feats in infrastructure and architecture. Over 10,000
kilometers of canals in North Vietnam, constructed during this era, endure to this day. The Thang Long imperial citadel, spanning 40 km2, was a
testament to the grandeur of architectural endeavors. Iconic structures like the One Pillar Pagoda, Pho Minh Temple, and Quy Dien Tower showcased
the sophistication and skill of Vietnamese builders. Handicrafts thrived in specialized villages such as Bát Tràng, renowned for pottery, as well as
various others excelling in ceramics, textiles, and bronze casting techniques. The development of on-water transportation added another layer of
sophistication to the material aspects of the civilization, symbolizing the apex of wet rice agriculture. Intellectually, Dai Viet's achievements were
equally notable. The cultural tolerance that prevailed facilitated a unique fusion of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism. This amalgamation, often
described as "3 within 1, 1 within 3," permeated the Vietnamese mind and spirit. Buddhism left its mark on sentimental feelings, Confucianism
shaped education, politics, and social relations, and Taoism influenced the Vietnamese perspective on harmonious coexistence with nature. The
synthesis of these three religions contributed significantly to the formation of Vietnamese identity. Lý Anh Tông's establishment of the school of
three religions, where monks from Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism were educated simultaneously, exemplified this harmonious integration.
Monks of these religions even held official positions, demonstrating a remarkable level of tolerance and cooperation. The influence of these religions
extended into poetry and literature, shaping the cultural and intellectual landscape of Dai Viet. The intellectual achievements were not confined to
the realm of religion. Dai Viet showcased a deep and unique nationalism, marked by a distinct political and military art. Political art was characterized
by special relationships, such as the bond between general and army, the formation of a royal family with the emperor and officials, and diplomatic
measures to maintain cohesion between the majority and minority populations through political marriages. Military art encompassed a strategic
combination of guerilla and regular armies, diplomatic finesse, and segregation tactics to successfully resist Mongolian invasions. In matters of
governance, Dai Viet implemented a writing court and criminal court, demonstrating an advanced legal system. Education saw the establishment of
the first national school, Quoc Tu Giam, reflecting a commitment to intellectual development. In essence, the Dai Viet civilization represented a
harmonious convergence of material and intellectual achievements, leaving an enduring legacy in the annals of Vietnamese history.
In conclusion, the legacy of the Dai Viet civilization is indelibly woven into the fabric of Vietnam's history and identity. The material and
intellectual achievements of Dai Viet not only laid the foundations for the thriving nation we recognize today but also continue to shape the cultural,
social, and political landscape for successive generations. The resilience, ingenuity, and harmonious synthesis of various elements within the Dai Viet
civilization have left an enduring imprint on the Vietnamese collective consciousness. Without the Dai Viet civilization, Vietnam as we know it would
not exist, underscoring the profound and lasting impact of this historical epoch on the nation's trajectory. The ongoing inheritance of values,
traditions, and cultural richness from Dai Viet serves as a testament to its enduring significance in shaping the identity and continuity of Vietnam through the ages.
5. WHAT WERE THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS DURING THE PERIOD OF THE 15TH – 18TH CENTURY?
The historical backdrop from the 15th to the 18th century in Vietnam witnessed a series of political transformations and socio-economic
shifts, both positive and negative.
On the negative side, the most significant challenge was the three-century division of the country into the northern and southern parts.
Historically, unity strengthened a nation, while division weakened it. Civil wars among feudal groups, such as the conflicts between Mạc and Nguyễn lOMoAR cPSD| 58097008
Kim, Trịnh and Nguyễn, and later Tây Sơn against Nguyễn Ánh, further exacerbated the destabilizing effects. However, on the positive side, this period
also saw notable peasant movements, particularly the Tây Sơn uprising during the 16th to 18th centuries. The Tây Sơn brothers' peasant wars
successfully challenged existing political regimes, defeating both local powers and foreign invaders like the Siamese and Tsing armies. Socio-economic
changes during this time were marked by alterations in land ownership. While public ownership dominated from the 11th to the 15th century,
accounting for two-thirds of the land, by the 18th century, there was a shift towards decreasing public land and increasing private land. The reduction
of public land to one-third and the rise of small peasants and landlords reflected positive changes. However, the peasant movements struggled to
address the underlying question of historical needs, resulting in a crisis. Moreover, new factors emerged in society, signaling the onset of capitalism
with a higher development of commodity economics and the advent of wage labor. The establishment of handicrafts factories indicated class
differentiation, yet the growth of these elements remained slow due to the conservatism of multi-mode production and feudalism. The entrenched
communal land system in Vietnam kept peasants tied to their villages, unlike in Europe where peasants left to form factories, hindering the
development of capitalist seeds.
Socially, the class structure underwent changes in the 18th century, marked by a decrease in the number of notables and a rapid increase in
landlords, tenants, and small peasants. However, a deep contradiction persisted between landlords and peasants. The absence of significant
industrial development and progressive classes, such as capitalists and workers, resulted in a lack of strata and revolution in society, culminating in
a comprehensive crisis. 6. WHY DID THE NGUYỄN COURT LOSE THE INDEPENDENCE OF VIETNAM IN THE LATE 19TH CENTURY?
The historical background during this period, marked by French colonial intrusion into Vietnam, unfolded as follows: On August 31st, 1858,
the French initially arrived in Vietnam in Đà Nẵng. Following their failure in the Đà Nẵng battle, the French redirected their efforts towards Gia Định.
By 1862, through the Nhâm Tuất agreement, the French gained control over three eastern provinces (Biên Hòa, Gia Định, and Định Tường) and three
western provinces (Vĩnh Long, An Giang, and Hà Tiên) by 1867, establishing their rule over southern Vietnam. In 1873, the French attacked Hà Nội
citadel for the first time, resulting in the death of Nguyễn Tri Phương. The second agreement in 1874 officially acknowledged French domination in
Vietnam. In 1882, the French launched a second attack on Hà Nội, leading to the suicide of Hoàng Diệu. The Harmand agreement was signed in
August 1883, followed by the complete surrender agreement known as the Patenotre treaty in 1884. The reasons behind Vietnam losing its
independence encompass both objective and subjective factors. Objectively, the changing landscape of global capitalism in the 19th century
witnessed the transition from capitalism of free competition to imperialism, characterized by monopolized capitalism. France emerged as one of the
imperialist powers, and the objective trend of capitalism's development was marked by the need to expand and secure new natural resources,
markets, and sources of cheap labor through colonialism. This objective process of colonization unfolded worldwide, particularly in Asia, Latin
America, and Africa. However, some countries, like Thailand and Japan, managed to avoid colonization due to effective leadership and strategic
policies. Japan, for instance, underwent the Meiji reform, similar to a capitalist revolution, modernizing the country with a focus on industrialism and
capitalism. In contrast, Vietnam's leadership, under Tự Đức emperor, rejected proposals for similar reforms presented by figures like Nguyễn Trường
Tộ, leading to a significant decline. Thailand, positioned as a buffer area between Britain and France, successfully balanced the influence of both
powers through open-door policies. Ultimately, the subjective aspect, especially the policies of feudal authorities in Asia, played a crucial role in
determining whether a country succumbed to colonization or successfully navigated the challenges posed by imperialist powers.
The subjective reasons for Vietnam's loss of independence during this period can be attributed to the mistakes made by the Nguyễn Dynasty
in both internal and external policies. Economically, the Nguyễn Court implemented a closed-door policy, ceasing exchanges with foreigners and
adhering to outdated agricultural practices with low capacity and productivity. The absolute ownership of the landlord class hindered economic
development, supporting feudalism, which was regressive in the 19th century. Barriers to import and export, such as heavy taxes, stifled the growth
of handicrafts and industry, and the absence of modernization in the monetary system hampered economic progress. In social policy, there existed
a profound contradiction between the landlord class and small tenant peasants, leading to numerous peasant uprisings. Peasants faced heavy taxes,
labor levies, and rice rents imposed by landlords, exacerbating inequality in society. The feudalist class, comprising notables and bureaucratic ranks,
became the ruling class, while peasants and laborers became the ruled class. Politically, the Nguyễn Court adopted a centralized power model similar
to the Tsing feudalist monarchy, resulting in a bureaucratic system with elements of dictatorship. Criticism of the emperor was stifled, leading to
corruption within the court. Attempts by reformer Nguyễn Trường Tộ to propose reforms similar to the Meiji reform were ignored due to a lack of
understanding of Western countries. In the military sphere, the weakness of the Nguyễn army stemmed from a lack of modern weapons, inadequate
training, and a dearth of effective strategies to defend the country. The absence of a strong navy and powerful warships further weakened Vietnam's
military capabilities. Culturally, education remained unchanged, with traditional practices hindering national development. The exclusive focus on
Confucianism, particularly the reactionary Sung Confucianism, defended obsolete relationships between the king and servants, undermining
progress. The Nguyễn Court's resistance to new religions, exemplified by the persecution of Christian believers, further hindered cultural flexibility.
Moreover, the Nguyễn Court pursued misguided strategies during French attacks, failing to capitalize on favorable moments for counterattacks. The
signing of negotiation agreements when there were opportunities for counterattacks and the failure to respond to a limited number of French troops
during 1858-1861 were deemed unreasonable national defense policies. lOMoAR cPSD| 58097008
7. WHAT WERE THE CULTURAL, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATIONS IN VIETNAM UNDER THE FRENCHDOMINATION
AND EXPLOITATION IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY?
After the Patenotre agreement in 1884, the period from 1897 to 1913 marked the first phase of French exploitation in
Vietnam under General Governor Paul Doumer. This phase focused on establishing infrastructure for the mining industry. Following World War I,
from 1919 to 1928, the second phase of exploitation, under General Albert Sarraut, targeted agricultural exploitation in the Mekong Delta while still
continuing mining activities in North and Central Vietnam. The overarching colonial objective of the French was the exploitation of Vietnam, aiming
for higher monopoly interests through the utilization of cheap labor and raw material resources. Colonial policies in Vietnam and Indochina were
multi-faceted. In politics, the French implemented a "divide to rule" strategy, fostering internal conflicts among the Vietnamese, accompanied by
brutal suppression. Culturally, assimilation efforts were made through Westernization and a "stupid people" policy. Economically, the focus was on
colonial exploitation to extract maximum super interests. Summarily, the basic policies encompassed four key aspects. Firstly, the French aimed to
maintain the "multi-mode of production" in the socio-economic formation, continuing outdated modes instead of fostering modernization. Secondly,
France sought to keep Vietnam within the orbit of the worldwide market of French colonialism, achieving trade surpluses for 41 out of 50 years from
1890 to 1939. Thirdly, privileges and concessions were granted to French businessmen, providing them with priority to monopolize trade. Fourthly,
the French aimed to limit industrialization, concentrating on exploiting mining industries while restricting manufacturing industries to prevent
competition with French industries. Under French domination in the early 20th century, Vietnam underwent both negative and positive
transformations. Economically, the "economic traite" policy exploited Vietnam for the benefit of France, but there were signs of economic
modernization and the emergence of capitalist urbanization in cities like Sài Gòn, Hà Nội, and Hải Phòng. Societal changes included the differentiation
of classes, with the development of a strong landlord class and the emergence of capitalist, small bourgeoisie, and worker classes. Culturally,
acculturation efforts included Westernization and Dewesternization, with the introduction of Christianity and Catholicism.
In conclusion, while the negative aspects of French colonial rule are acknowledged, it is essential to recognize the positive transformations
that occurred, paving the way for Vietnam's continued development.
8. What was the crisis of way for national salvation from the late 19th until the early 20th century?
Examining the historical background, since the French attack in 1858, Nguyễn Dynasty consistently employed ineffective national defense
strategies. Between 1861 and 1867, numerous patriotic uprisings led by figures like Nguyễn Trung Trực, Trương Định, Thủ Khoa Huân, and others
emerged, yet most met with failure. Tự Đức's passing in July 1883 initiated a succession crisis, with three emperors—Dục Đức, Hiệp Hòa, and Kiến
Phúc—within a few months. In May 1884, Hàm Nghi ascended the throne, and in July 1885, the "Cần Vương proclamation," rallying support against
the French, was issued. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, three significant patriotic movements unfolded. In the late 19th century, the
prominent "Cần Vương proclamation" featured uprisings like Ba Đình, Bãi Sậy, Hương Khê, and Hoàng Hoa Thám. These movements, rooted in
feudalism and influenced by Confucianism, faltered due to insufficient preparation and a lack of solidarity. The feudal ideology proved obsolete, and
the failure left Vietnamese patriots in a crisis regarding the path to national salvation. The early 20thcentury patriotic movements were influenced
by reformist movements in China and Japan. Chinese reformists Kang Yew Wei and Liang Ki Chao, advocating for a shift from feudalism to democracy,
inspired Vietnamese Confucianists. Japan's Meiji reform also influenced Vietnamese patriots, including Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh. Phan Bội
Châu sent Vietnamese students to Japan but faced challenges from French authorities, leading him to China, Thailand, and eventual capture by the French in
Shanghai. Meanwhile, Phan Chu Trinh believed in cooperation with the French, misunderstanding the exploitative nature of French colonialism. The
failures of the early 20th-century movements stemmed from flawed strategies. Phan Bội Châu erred by misjudging Japan's imperialistic nature and
neglecting the socio-economic transformations and contradictions in Vietnamese society. Both Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh failed to recognize
the significance of the peasant class, comprising 90% of the population. They misunderstood the enemies and the role of the progressive class, given
the limited presence of a leading class at the time. In essence, the historical limitation was the absence of a leading class during the early 20th
century, rendering even talented figures like Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh unable to overcome the crisis and historical constraints. The third
patriotic movement unfolded in the aftermath of World War I. During the 1920s, Vietnam experienced influences from China with the "Three People"
slogan (independence, happiness, freedom), the French Revolution ideology, and the Soviet Union, particularly the October Revolution. In the
capitalist class, reformism gained traction with the establishment of the Constitutional Party by Bùi Quang Chiêu, aiming for political reform. Various
movements, including struggles against the monopoly of the Sài Gòn port and activities by small bourgeoisie and intellectuals, emerged. Progressive
newspapers like "Cracked Bell" by Nguyễn An Ninh and political parties such as the Party of Mind by Phạm Hồng Thái and the Vietnamese
Revolutionary Party contributed to the criticism of French colonialism. However, these movements faced challenges similar to previous periods. The
failure stemmed from adopting incorrect approaches to saving the country. Many parties failed to identify the enemies accurately and lacked a clear
strategy for national salvation. While French colonialists were recognized as adversaries, the landlord class was not identified as the second enemy
of the Vietnamese people. As a result, the basic contradictions in Vietnamese society after World War I went unrecognized. Lack of clarity on
revolutionary forces and the absence of a leading class led to a spontaneous process with flawed methodologies, causing division, lack of solidarity,
and no unification. Vietnam continued to grapple with crises. To overcome these challenges, influences from the October Revolution and the activities
of Nguyễn Ái Quốc (later known as Hồ Chí Minh) played a pivotal role. In 1911, Nguyễn Tất Thành left Sài Gòn in search of national salvation. He
respected figures like Phan Bội Châu and Phan Chu Trinh but recognized the need for a different approach. By 1920, Nguyễn Ái Quốc had become lOMoAR cPSD| 58097008
the first communist in Vietnam and joined the French Communist Party. Over the next decade, he worked to disseminate Marxism and Leninism in
Vietnam, offering a new path for national salvation. In August 1925, he founded the Association of Revolutionary Youths and engaged in various
activities, including publishing the "Youths" newspaper and opening training classes in Guangzhou to prepare for the party's formation. He clarified
the enemies of the Vietnamese people, identified the revolutionary forces, and pointed out potential allies for cooperation. The dignified role of the
communist party emerged, culminating in the establishment of the Vietnamese Communist Party in February 1930 by Nguyễn Ái Quốc, marking the
resolution of the crisis in the path for national salvation.
9. WHAT WERE THE REASONS FOR THE VICTORY OF THE AUGUST REVOLUTION IN 1945?
After the establishment of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 1930, later transformed into the Indochina Communist Party, a 15-year
preparation unfolded in three distinct periods of movements leading up to the swift and decisive August Revolution in 1945, which declared
Vietnam's independence. The victory of the August Revolution in 1945 can be attributed to both objective and subjective reasons. The most crucial
objective reason was the failure of fascism in World War II. As Japanese fascists surrendered in 1945, a highly favorable condition emerged for the
Vietnamese revolution. The overall defeat of fascism, marked by the collapse of German fascism in May 1945, created a turning point and provided
an opportune moment for Vietnamese uprisings. While Western historians often consider this the primary factor, it is crucial to recognize the
significance of subjective reasons. The subjective reasons are rooted in the leadership of the Indochina Communist Party, led by Hồ Chí Minh, and
the heroism of the Vietnamese people. The party's 15-year preparation, characterized by a meticulous strategy and the ability to seize favorable
moments, played a pivotal role. Hồ Chí Minh's concise manifesto and Trần Phú's thesis guided the party in leading the masses through economic and
political struggles, eventually transitioning to military struggles and awaiting opportune moments for armed uprisings. Revolutionary forces were
comprised of peasants, proletariats, small bourgeoisie, and national capitalists. International solidarity from colonial people in Western countries
and the global proletariat was recognized as essential. The high tide of 1930-1931, exemplified by the Soviet Union in Nghệ-Tĩnh, represented the
initial groundwork. Although this revolutionary government was violently suppressed by the French and ultimately collapsed, it left profound
implications. The Soviet Union in Nghệ-Tĩnh showcased the Vietnamese Communist Party's commitment to the lines of Vietnamese revolution,
emphasizing solidarity among classes. Despite its failure, the episode yielded valuable lessons and experiences that guided future uprisings. The third
phase of preparation, spanning from 1939 to 1945, directly paved the way for the August Revolution and unfolded in three distinct periods. From
1939 to 1941, strategic lines for the revolution were delineated through three Central Committee meetings of the Indochina Communist Party: the
6th (November 1939), 7th (November 1940), and 8th (May 1941), the latter of which saw the return of Nguyễn Ái Quốc to Vietnam. In 1940, Nguyễn
Ái Quốc foresaw the impending failure of fascism, prompting various countries, including Vietnam, to contemplate uprisings. The key objectives were
clearly outlined during these meetings, emphasizing national liberation. Two strategic goals emerged: defeating the French for national independence
and challenging the landlord class for the "land-to-the-tiller" slogan. Eventually, this evolved into the broader objective of acquiring land from
enemies (French and reactionary landlords) and redistributing it to poor and landless peasants, fostering crucial solidarity. Additionally, national unity
was fostered through the establishment of the "Front" – a coalition for great national solidarity encompassing various classes, ranks, and strata. The
Việt Minh Front was specifically established during the 8th meeting. The central focus during this period was the preparation for military uprisings,
which necessitated determining favorable moments, forces, and clearly defining the structure of uprisings in Vietnam. Local uprisings were initiated
as preliminary actions, setting the stage for a general uprising during opportune moments. From 1941 to March 9, 1945, efforts were concentrated
on building revolutionary forces and bases. The Việt Minh Front was instrumental in organizing political forces, including women, youths, and
peasants, rallying for national salvation. On the military front, following the Bắc Sơn uprisings in 1940, Hồ Chí Minh established small guerrilla units
known as Bắc Sơn guerrillas, subsequently evolving into an army for national salvation – the platoon. The National-liberating Vietnamese army for
propaganda was founded on December 22, 1944. Bases were established in the mountainous provinces of North Vietnam, such as Cao, Bắc, Lạng,
Hà, Tuyên, and Thái. Notably, Cao Bằng, connected with Bắc Sơn - Võ Nhai base, laid the foundation for Việt Bắc base. In the third period, from March
9 to August 1945, local uprisings were the focal point. While Japan and France had co-dominated Vietnam from fall 1940 to March 1945, the balance
shifted on March 9 when the Japanese swiftly overturned French domination to assume power. The impending collapse of fascism due to an
imbalance between the Allied Army and Fascism presented a new opportunity. In June 1945, Việt Bắc base was established, and local uprisings
intensified in mountainous regions. Hồ Chí Minh astutely predicted Japanese surrender, initiating political struggles and mass movements to avert a
devastating famine. The August 1945 national conference in Tân Trào marked the official commencement of the uprising. Within just two weeks of
the first uprising on August 14th, the general uprisings unfolded, taking advantage of the opportune time before the Allied Army arrived to disarm
the Japanese. The decision not to initiate the revolution earlier was attributed to the power imbalance between Vietnamese revolutionaries and
Japanese forces, as well as the significant military presence in the region.
10. IN YOUR OPINION WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT THE VIET NAM WAR (1955 – 1975)?
According to Mark Bradley, the notion that re-establishing a positive relationship with America after the August Revolution could have averted
the Vietnam War is contested by many who argue that the conflict was inevitable. Rather than a mere confrontation between two countries, the war
unfolded as a clash between capitalism and socialism. Several factors underscored the significance of Vietnam in this ideological struggle: its crucial
strategic position and abundant resources. The aftermath of World War II witnessed Vietnam's remarkable achievements in national liberation
movements, propelling the global anti-imperialist cause. The 1945 August Revolution led to the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam,
fostering the potential spread of socialism in Southeast Asia and beyond. The indirect U.S. intervention in Vietnam through support to French
colonialism, starting in 1956, was prompted by the fear of socialism expanding in the region. The U.S. employed various strategies during its
involvement, including the one-sided war or Eisenhouse strategy, marked by the flexible response encompassing special, local, and all-out wars.
Vietnam, lacking a conventional army, relied on political force and guerrilla tactics, exemplified by mass struggles such as the Dong Khoi uprising. The lOMoAR cPSD| 58097008
special war involved a comprehensive approach, combining political and military forces across three fronts: mountainous, rural and delta, and urban
regions. The military force comprised the guerrilla army, local army, and regular army. The period before 1968 witnessed a combination of offensives
and uprisings, while from 1968 to 1975, there was a shift to a general offensive and uprising. In the special war, the U.S. deployed over 560,000 well-
armed puppet soldiers by the end of 1964, seeking to suppress revolutionary forces. In contrast, the people in South Vietnam expanded their
resistance in three fronts: military, politics, and propaganda. Key victories in battles like Ap Bac (My Tho) in 1963 and Binh Gia (Vung Tau) in 1964
signaled the failure of the U.S. special war strategy. The local war, initiated by the U.S. in March 1965, aimed to halt the spread of people's struggles
in South Vietnam. Despite the increasing number of American soldiers, Southern revolutionary forces persevered, defeating U.S. attacks in the South.
The U.S. resorted to bombing the North, culminating in the "Air Dien Bien Phu" battle in late 1972, forcing the signing of the Paris Convention in
1973. The U.S. violated the agreement, supporting Nguyen Van Thieu's invasion of the liberated zone. The General Attack and Uprising in spring 1975
led to victory, declaring Vietnam's independence and unity. This triumph underscored the political independent strategy of the Vietnamese
Communist Party, mobilizing the entire nation to achieve two strategic tasks simultaneously. The victory's roots lay in the traditional patriotism of
the Vietnamese people and their revolutionary heroism. The effective contributions from the North, solidarity among the three Indochinese
countries, and global support, particularly from the USSR, China, and other socialist nations, played pivotal roles in the triumph over an imperialist enemy.