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VNU Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E
Vietnamese Model of Journalism in the Age
of Integration and its Effects to the Civil Society
and Democracy in Vietnam
Đặng Thị Thu Hương
*
Dean of the Faculty of Journalism and Communications,
VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities, 336 Nguyễn Trãi, Thanh Xuân, Hanoi Vietnam
Received 20 May 2012
Abstract. The Economic Renovation launched by the Vietnamese Government in 1986 - as a
transformation from the model of centralised economy to a model of socialist market economy -
has made vital impacts on Vietnamese journalism. In addition, it was the slogans of the
Communist Party - which were “face the fact, analyse exactly the truth, speak the truth” and
“criticism and self-criticism” - that inspired the journalism. Having investigated the changes in
Vietnamese journalism after 1986, this paper will not only explore the new characteristics of
Vietnamese journalism but more importantly, their effects to the civil society and democracy in
Vietnam. It should be noted that due to these new characteristics, the Vietnamese journalism
currently cannot be conceptualised by the well-known Schramm’s “Communist theory of Press”,
and therefore, needs a new theoretical model to investigate.
Key words: Model of journalism, Vietnamese renovation, state journalism, market journalism.
1. Multi Functions Press vs. “Single
Purpose” Press
For decades, Wilburn Schramm’s Soviet
Communist theory of Press” [1] was widely
used as the general theoretical framework to
examine press systems in the communist world
in general [2,3], and Vietnam in particular. It is
noted that prior to the economic renovation, the
ideology of Vietnamese journalism was similar
to that of the Soviet Union and other
communist countries, where mass media were
used instrumentally by the state for various
political purposes, particularly as propaganda
*
Tel.: 84-906194152.
E-mail: danghuong@ussh.edu.vn
57
tools. Schramm [4] argued that the communist
communication system had only “a single
purpose” which served party and state policies.
According to Schramm (ibid), the consequences
of such a “single purpose” communication
included: “a great deal of sameness about the
content of Soviet media on any day”.
However, after the Economic Renovation,
the model of media ideology used by Western
scholars to examine communist media has been
no longer adequate in addressing changes in
Vietnamese journalism as the new media
expanded their functions from propagating to
providing news, general information,
knowledge and entertainment, expressing
public opinions, criticising the daily working of
government and the wrongdoing of officials.
tiền bản quyền và phúc lợi
2
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
For example, in the newspaper sector, not only
many new established news outlets were
originally designed as reader-oriented presses,
but also traditional Party newspaper have been
becoming increasingly reader-oriented through
increasing their coverage of news,
entertainment and commercial advertisements.
The research subject of Schramm’s [4])
study was the Soviet press, which was based on
a centralised command economy or state
socialism system, where, according to Siebert
[1, p.5] “the profit motive [of the press] has
been removed”. However, Vietnamese
journalism reforms have, to date, followed a
mixed market socialism model in which
journalism is state owned yet market oriented.
In this model, there is press competition, the
operation of diverse business ventures by the
news media and limited government subsidy,
leading to a concomitant increasing growth of
the country’s advertising industry. New
competition, commercial advertising, human-
interest stories, and even tabloid publications
containing sensationalised stories appear in
Vietnamese journalism. Rather than being a
“great deal of sameness about the content of
media on any day” (Schramm’s (1963)
description) and propaganda-oriented, a number
of Vietnamese newspapers have been criticised
as over-sensational and profit-driven [5].
As a result, mass media have expanded their
functions from propagandising to providing
news, general information, knowledge, and
entertainment, facilitating the expression of
public opinion, and criticising the daily
workings of government, particularly the
wrongdoing of officials [6, p.147-153]. In short,
after more than 25 years of renovation,
Vietnamese journalism has now been largely
transformed into a multi-structured media
industry with multiple functions rather than
being pure propaganda tools.
2. State Journalism vs. Market Journalism
Before 1986, the journalism system that
emerged in Vietnam was operated according to
the guidelines and directives of the Propaganda
and Training Committee, without concern for
revenues, benefits or losses (as is the case in
commercial journalism in Western countries).
As a result, journalistic productions were
published without regard for the audiences’
interests or needs, and journalism organisations
did not have to compete with each other to
increase their audience or attract advertisers to
gain additional financial resources.
In addition, another difference between
journalism in Western countries, particularly
the US, and Vietnam before the Economic
Renovation was the attitude toward advertising.
Journalism in Western countries, with the
exception of a small number of public service
boradcasting such as the BBC, are primarily
commercial enterprises driven by profit
motives, and therefore, advertising becomes an
important factor. However, in Vietnam, during
the 30 years of conflicts, and the following 10
years of the subsidised period, advertising was
perceived negatively, regarded as a product of
capitalism [7, p.13].
Nevertheless, in an open-market economy,
where the costs of inputs and outputs were
subject to market conditions, journalism
organisations were required to become
commercially aware and operate according to a
different economic model. At this time, the
available budgets for journalists’ salaries,
including royalties and benefits, were provided
not only governing bodies, but also generated
by advertising and subscriptions.
It is worth noting that, during the monopoly
of the state sector economy, the living standards
of journalists were relatively low. It was a
number of newspapers in HoChiMinh city,
which took the initiative in exploring new ways
to improve newspaper revenue in the mid
1980s. According to Tran Huu Quang [8, p.81],
the “Sai Gon Liberty Daily” was one of the first
Vietnamese newspapers to accept
advertisements on July 1 1981.
st
By 1989, the Journalism Law stipulated for
the first time that journalism and media should
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
59
be allowed to advertise or broadcast
advertisements and raise revenue from
advertising (Article 25 op. cit.) [9]. Ten years
later, in the Amended Journalism Law (1999)
[10], the regulations for advertising were
amended. In addition, a number of acceptable
sources of revenue for journalism organisations
also were clarified thus:
Journalism organisations are permitted to
operate business activities and services which
are appropriate to their professions according
to Government regulations and rules in order to
create further sources of revenue to invest to
the development of journalism.
(The Amended Journalism Law 1999,
Article 17c) [10]
According to the Government (Resolution
No.219/2005/QD-TTg 2005) [11], it has
become common in Vietnamese media for
journalism organisations to provide more than
one publication and offer more than one
service, whereas during the subsidised period
this was not the case.
Gradually, revenue from advertising
became more important, and in2001, it
represented a proportion of between 40% and
60% of newspaper revenue [8, p.81].
Significantly, a number of newspapers rely
totally on advertising revenue, including
VNExpress, one of the largest Vietnamese
online-newspapers.
However, the competition between mass
media in Vietnam is affected by the fact that the
Government continues to control journalism
activities, consequently, competition between
mass media in Vietnam differs significantly
from that in Western countries. Even though
journalism organisations have to operate
commercially in order to improve the quality of
their services, reduce the price of journalist
products and improve the working and living
standards of journalists, as Do Muoi, the then
General Secretary stated at the National
Journalism Meeting in January 1992 [12, p.26];
political and educational missions are regarded
as the most important duties of Vietnamese
journalism. Huu Tho [5, p.86-87], the then
Head of the Central Ideology and Culture
Committee stated:
Vietnamese journalism is not allowed to run
after just profits but has to be a fundamental
tool for thought, politics and culture.
It is a hard and fast rule that ‘Journalism
operation is under the Party direction and
Government control’, this obligation is stated in
a number of decrees, instructions and decisions
of the Vietnamese Party and the Government,
including Instruction No.08/CT-TW (1992)
[13], Instruction No.22/CT-TW (1997) [14] and
The Resolution No 219/2005/QD-TTg (2005)
[11], etc. In Vietnam, private journalism is not
allowed.
One of the most important missions of
Vietnamese journalism is:
To propagandise, inform, construct and
protect the Party policies and Government
Laws… Construct and improve the socialist
democracy, enhance the great national unity,
construct and protect the Fatherland of the
Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
(Article 6, The Amended Journalism Law 1999) [10]
In other words, in the current market-driven
environment, the situation for journalism has
changed dramatically. In terms of financial
support, journalism’s revenue has changed from
government-funded sources to, chiefly,
advertising, circulation, and financial
investment in other ventures [15, p.9]. The role
of journalism also changed from the single
function of the Party’s mouthpiece as an organ
of ideological indoctrination to a multi-
functional system, including resources for
advertising with higher circulations and wider
audiences. The nature of journalism products is
no longer only that of political and ideological
propaganda, they are also market commodities
[16]. In addition, content in newspapers, and in
radio-television programmes comprises not
only official government news, but also public
interest news, entertainment, advertising and
increasingly, foreign programmes [6, p.55-56].
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Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
Certainly, official propaganda still visibly and
firmly remains in most Party organs’ daily
practices, but propaganda itself has been
significantly changed in terms of its content and
method.
Although journalism is still defined as a
non-profit undertaking of the state, it is now
undertaken as a commercial operation.
Advertising, allowed from the 1980s (The 1989
Law of Journalism) [9], has begun to impact on
the entire journalism system. Whilst retaining
ultimate discretion over content, the
Government also encourages the journalism
organisations to raise funds, in particular from
advertising, consequently, the
audience/consumer has now to be taken into
account. Concomitant renovations of personnel
and budgetary procedures have conferred new
powers and duties on editors and programme
producers. These powers and duties require
journalistic producers, in turn, to be more
responsive, both to their audiences and
advertisers [17], by enabling them to allocate
funding to production offices according to
ratings, and to recruit employees in a
(relatively) open market.
The commercialisation of the journalism
dramatically influenced Vietnam’s journalsim
landscape with regard to journalism ownership
and financial support. With journalism
commercialisation, the ‘Party and government’
organs became business entities, similar - to
some extent - to the Western capitalist system,
adopting advertising, subscription and capital
investment practices.
In other words, Vietnamese journalism
currently plays a dual role simultaneously, as
commodities in the market and apparatuses of
ideologies. In this sense, journalism must cater
to two masters with two distinct prerequisites.
Despite the fact that officially and principally
the journalism’s role is still defined as the voice
of the government [18, p.76-77], the new
economic structure means they have also to
accommodate the interests of their advertisers
and audiences. Due to the fierce competition
between mass media after the Economic
Renovation 1986, the latter may be more
significant and urgent for journalism managers,
but the former still affects journalism content.
However, as a result of Party initiatives, the
journalism system operates with a greater
degree of openness and freedom, where
constructive criticism and suggestions about
Government policies can be discussed,
although, the nature and role of the journalism
remains fundamentally unchanged.
Consequently, journalism in Vietnam are
functioning within a ‘regulated marketisation’
system. However, it is important to note that a
journalism organisation cannot be established
as an independent business; they are assigned
an official rank and must be registered under a
recognised institutional publisher or
government organisation [9,10].
At present, even though the Vietnamese
journalism system has undergone significant
changes, the government continues to operate
control of the journalism. As it was the
Government that initiated such
commercialisation, journalism control - with
the emergent convergence of the state and the
market - may even be strengthened in the
context of commercialisation: authoritarianism
in the Vietnamese journalism system may
persist through government control. In the
Vietnamese system, journalism is restricted
from communicating messages that would
undermine the established authority or
negatively affect the country’s political values.
The Western model of the journalism-
defined by such characteristics as an
independent news media with legally
sanctioned press freedoms and formalised
institutional independence from the state [1] -
cannot develop in Vietnam. In other words, a
new theoretical model, which requires further
investigation, is necessary in the case of
Vietnamese journalism in its transitional
phases, a model integrating both political and
economic dimensions, in which a
market/authoritarian based understanding of the
journalism, should be considered.
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
61
3. The Relationship Between State -
Journalism and the Audience:
Democratising Trends in the Vietnamese
Journalism after the Renovation
The transformation from a monopoly state
sector economy to a multi-sector economy
ushered a new period of development for
journalism in Vietnam, but it was not until
May-June 1987 that Vietnamese journalism
reached its turning point, with a series of
articles, namely Things That Must Be Done
Immediately, carrying the by-line N.V.L
(1)
(Nhan Dan 1987).
The series of articles titled Things That
Must Be Done Immediately (ibid) instanced
various improprieties of state agencies,
especially “acts of bullying the masses and
violating the people’s rights” [19, p.90] [20].
Demanding that such wrongdoing be exposed
and corrected, N.V.L exhorted the citizenry to
“inspect and examine” governmental activities
(Nhan Dan 1987). In addition to the previous
year’s “criticism and self-criticism” campaigns,
N.V.L was encouraging the general population
to engage in a new campaign against
bureaucratic centralism. After three months, the
N.V.L. articles generated approximately 600
letters denouncing various agencies and
bureaucrats [19, p.90].
According to Huu Tho [20], it was N.V.L
(2)
who set up a new function for Vietnamese
journalism - a people’s forum - which was later
institutionalised by Laws and Instructions,
including the Journalism Law (1989).
According to Huu Tho’s (ibid) recollections of
events at that time, he asked the General
Secretary Nguyen Van Linh why he wrote
under the name N.V.L, and Nguyen Van Linh
replied that, although as a General Secretary of
(1)
This pseudonym was found later to be a shortened
version of the name, Nguyen Van Linh, the General
Secretary of the Communist Party, recognised as having
revitalised Vietnam's economy by reducing state control
and introducing elements of a free market system.
(2)
The ex-Head of the Central Ideology and Culture
Committee and former Editor-in-Chief of Nhan Dan.
the Communist Party he could instruct various
levels of society to take precautions against
bureaucrats: when writing the newspaper
articles, he wanted to create a popular opinion
in fighting bureaucratic conservatism, inviting
all citizens to respond [20]. In other words, the
then General Secretary highly appreciated the
role of journalism - and its influence on public
opinion - in fighting the negative aspects of the
transition of Vietnam’s society towards a
socialist model. Two years after the Things
That Must Be Done Immediately articles were
published, the Law of Journalism (1989) was
enacted which stated that:
Journalism in the Socialist Republic of
Vietnam is essential mass media in society. It
acts as an organ of the Party, Governmental and
other social organisations as well as public
fora.
(
The 1 Article of the Journalism Law 1989) [9]
st
The functions of journalism are also
clarified in the 6 article of this Legislation as
th
follows:
“…
3. To Reflect and Instruct Public Opinion;
be a Public Forum for People to Exercise their
Freedom of Speech.
4. To discover and honour “good people
and good factors”; to fight illegal activities and
negative phenomena in society…”
(The Journalism Law 1989) [9]
At this point, it should be noted that the
concept of human rights, the idea of civil
society and democracy conceived in the
Western adversarial democratic tradition have
no exact equivalent in East Asia in general and
in Vietnam in particular [21, p.3] [22, p.205],
where the Communist central Government and
the importance of Confucian values influence
the values of social life. The holistic,
consensual and communal values of the Orient
have changed the scope of human rights to
include an affirmative obligation on the state to
advance the economic, social, cultural well-
being of their peoples. As a result, due to
differences in political systems, local
circumstances, history, culture, and Orientalist
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Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
behaviours
(3)
- these issues often are regarded as
main factors in shaping various journalistic
models and roles worldwide [23] [24, p.154-
157] [22], - Vietnamese journalism differs to
that in Western countries.
It should be noted that journalism in a
number of developing countries, including
those in Asia and Southeast Asia, promotes a
distinct type of journalism, focusing directly on
society, activating a sense of collectivity.
Journalism adhering to Asian values was
regarded as one of the contributors to Asian
economic success, in which there is a twinning
of press freedom and responsibility: the
privileging of national interests over individual
ones, harnessing the aims of national betterment
[16] [22, p.207]. These are the principle reasons
for harmony between the press and the
government in Asia [22, p.205].
Whilst, Vietnam and a number of ASEAN
countries proposed an Asian model of
journalism, in terms of the press working with
government to build a national consensus [16],
the model of Vietnamese journalism continues
to differ from that of its ASEAN neighbours.
Whilst Thailand and the Philippines have opted
for the so-called Western model, and Singapore,
Malaysia, Indonesia apply a semi-controlled
press [15, p.9] [22, p.208], in Vietnam,
journalism enterprises are state-owned and
controlled, and members of the Communist
Party occupy most management positions in
media organisations [15] [25] [26]. Vietnamese
journalism, as an instrument of nation building,
is mandated to support the state’s development
(3)
As the official perception of democracy in Vietnam is
strongly influenced by Marxist-Leninist ideologies of
centralised democracy, and the Confucian beliefs, there
are some aspects that can be seen as contrasting Western
perceptions. For instance, Confucianism sees the
importance of the society over the family, and the family
over the individual, where as self-realisation can be seen as
one of the highest values in Western societies. In addition,
there is a wide consensus amongst the population that
economic growth and political stability are more important
than democratic development [21]. This may be a part of
the explanation why a one-party political system exists and
why this system is broadly seen as advantageous.
efforts [6, p.19-20] [27]. Furthermore,
Vietnamese journalists must respect, embrace
and voice the authenticity of Vietnam.
Therefore, the notion, introduced during the late
18
th
century, that journalism constituted a
Fourth Estate of government, a system of
checks and balances of the other three forms of
power - executive, judicial and legislative - [28,
p.744], is not relevant in Vietnam [27].
Moreover, as the global media market has come
under the domination of a plutocracy of mega-
media conglomerates [29, p.348], according to
Vietnamese scholars, the power of media in
Western countries, in fact is in the hands of a
small number of capitalists, not that of the
general population [27, p.253].
In Vietnam, the fundamental tenets of
journalism are to propagandise, agitate and
organise the masses. With the influence of the
Renovation, journalism in Vietnam does not
only act as an instrument used by government
to shape public opinion, but also fora for people
to raise their voices [6, p.147]. Soon after
journalism became accepted as a public forum,
audience opinions, suggestions, and comments
towards Government policies were gradually
published. The slogan: “People [have a right to]
know, discuss, inspect and examine” was
placed in a prominent position in a number of
newspapers, including (Nhan DanThe People
Newspaper). New columns for reader’s
opinions, such as “The People’s Forum”,
“People’s Opinion” and “People’s Talk”
emerged in a significant number of newspapers.
The effectiveness of this endeavour is a
possible area for further investigation; however,
at this point it should be noted that the
emergence of this phenomenon has created a
new landscape for Vietnamese journalism.
The content of journalism also became
more diversified, for example, investigating
pressing issues in society in order to satisfy its
audience. After 1986, (The YouthTuoi tre
Newspaper), (The SaigonSai Gon Giai Phong
Liberation Newspaper) and a number of
newspapers in HoChiMinh City pioneered the
renovation of journalistic content. Interestingly,
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
63
HoChiMinh City was the vanguard of the
economic renovation and gained significant
benefits after the renovation policy was applied.
According to Tran Huu Quang [8, p.81],
changing the style of delivering information via
‘The Youth Newspapers’ and other newspapers
in HoChiMinh City has broken though the
limitations of the conservative thinking which
previously limited journalism in the
bureaucratic, administrative and traditional
system that had historically operated.
Journalists explored, investigated and broadcast
urgent issues and events that occurred during
the transitional period, for which there was no
existing model. Amongst these pressing issues,
corruption, social problems, bureaucratic
conservatism, and the negative aspects of an
open-market society were the subjects that most
concerned the general population (ibid). The
more pressing issues in society were reflected
in newspapers, the greater attention from the
audience newspapers could attract.
It is important to reiterate that since the
renovation, the Government began to cease
subsidies, and allowed journalistic
organisations to seek other financial resources,
including those from advertisers and
subscribers. In order to attract more advertisers,
the key for journalism organisations, is to
capture larger audiences. Commercial
competition - a new phenomenon, which did
not exist in Vietnamese journalism during the
subsidised period - emerged amongst
journalism organisations. For the first time,
Vietnamese journalism had to serve two
masters, the Party and the audience. The flow of
information was no longer one way, from
central government to the people, as it was
during the subsidised period, but influenced by
advertisers and audiences themselves.
The institutional arrangements of the
Communist Party Press system and the current
market-based Party Press system show clearly
that Vietnam’s journalism has evolved from a
one-way to a two-way communication system.
The masses are no longer merely the followers
and
subjects
of
an
information
system,
but
consumers and commodities in the market-
place: audiences. Consequently, capturing
larger audiences becomes an essential
imperative for any journalism organisation, as it
is the only way to fulfil both the political and
commercial demands of the current condition.
4. Conclusion
The Economic Renovation, as a switch
from the subsidised period to a socialist market
economy, has not only improved the economic
situation, and the living standards of the general
population in Vietnam, but also provided
significant impacts on media development, and
consequently, the civil society and democracy
in this country. However, as mentioned
previously, the assessment of the quality of
democracy always depends on the point of view
and the Western idea of democracy does not fit
well the circumstances in Vietnam. Therefore,
in terms of the role of journalism in
strengthening the civil society and democracy,
in the specific context of Vietnam at the
transitional period toward a socialist market
economy, a new theoretical model of
journalism, a model integrating both political
and economic dimensions should be considered.
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VNU Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
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VNU Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E
Vietnamese Model of Journalism in the Age
of Integration and its Effects to the Civil Society and Democracy in Vietnam Đặng Thị Thu Hương*
Dean of the Faculty of Journalism and Communications,
VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities, 336 Nguyễn Trãi, Thanh Xuân, Hanoi Vietnam Received 20 May 2012
Abstract. The Economic Renovation launched by the Vietnamese Government in 1986 - as a
transformation from the model of centralised economy to a model of socialist market economy -
has made vital impacts on Vietnamese journalism. In addition, it was the slogans of the
Communist Party - which were “face the fact, analyse exactly the truth, speak the truth” and
“criticism and self-criticism” - that inspired the journalism. Having investigated the changes in
Vietnamese journalism after 1986, this paper will not only explore the new characteristics of
Vietnamese journalism but more importantly, their effects to the civil society and democracy in
Vietnam. It should be noted that due to these new characteristics, the Vietnamese journalism
currently cannot be conceptualised by the well-known Schramm’s “Communist theory of Press”,
and therefore, needs a new theoretical model to investigate.
Key words: Model of journalism, Vietnamese renovation, state journalism, market journalism.
1. Multi Functions Press vs. “Single
tools. Schramm [4] argued that the communist Purpose” Press
communication system had only “a single
purpose” which served party and state policies.
For decades, Wilburn Schramm’s “Soviet
According to Schramm (ibid), the consequences
Communist theory of Press” [1] was widely
of such a “single purpose” communication
used as the general theoretical framework to
included: “a great deal of sameness about the
examine press systems in the communist world
content of Soviet media on any day”.
in general [2,3], and Vietnam in particular. It is
noted that prior to the economic renovation, the
However, after the Economic Renovation,
ideology of Vietnamese journalism was similar
the model of media ideology used by Western
to that of the Soviet Union and other
scholars to examine communist media has been
communist countries, where mass media were
no longer adequate in addressing changes in
used instrumentally by the state for various
Vietnamese journalism as the new media
political purposes, particularly as propaganda
expanded their functions from propagating to
providing news, general information,
knowledge and entertainment, expressing * Tel.: 84-906194152.
public opinions, criticising the daily working of E-mail: danghuong@ussh.edu.vn
government and the wrongdoing of officials. 57 2
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
For example, in the newspaper sector, not only
the guidelines and directives of the Propaganda
many new established news outlets were
and Training Committee, without concern for
originally designed as reader-oriented presses,
revenues, benefits or losses (as is the case in
but also traditional Party newspaper have been
commercial journalism in Western countries).
becoming increasingly reader-oriented through
As a result, journalistic productions were
increasing their coverage of news,
published without regard for the audiences’
entertainment and commercial advertisements.
interests or needs, and journalism organisations
The research subject of Schramm’s [4])
did not have to compete with each other to
study was the Soviet press, which was based on
increase their audience or attract advertisers to
a centralised command economy or state
gain additional financial resources.
socialism system, where, according to Siebert
[1, p.5] “the profit motive [of the press] has
In addition, another difference between been removed”. However, Vietnamese
journalism in Western countries, particularly
journalism reforms have, to date, followed a
the US, and Vietnam before the Economic
mixed market socialism model in which
Renovation was the attitude toward advertising.
journalism is state owned yet market oriented.
Journalism in Western countries, with the
In this model, there is press competition, the
exception of a small number of public service
operation of diverse business ventures by the
boradcasting such as the BBC, are primarily
news media and limited government subsidy,
commercial enterprises driven by profit
leading to a concomitant increasing growth of
motives, and therefore, advertising becomes an
the country’s advertising industry. New
important factor. However, in Vietnam, during
competition, commercial advertising, human-
the 30 years of conflicts, and the following 10
interest stories, and even tabloid publications
years of the subsidised period, advertising was
containing sensationalised stories appear in
perceived negatively, regarded as a product of
Vietnamese journalism. Rather than being a capitalism [7, p.13].
“great deal of sameness about the content of
Nevertheless, in an open-market economy,
media on any day” (Schramm’s (1963)
where the costs of inputs and outputs were
description) and propaganda-oriented, a number
subject to market conditions, journalism
of Vietnamese newspapers have been criticised
organisations were required to become
as over-sensational and profit-driven [5].
commercially aware and operate according to a
As a result, mass media have expanded their
different economic model. At this time, the
functions from propagandising to providing
available budgets for journalists’ salaries,
news, general information, knowledge, and
including royalties and benefits, were provided
entertainment, facilitating the expression of not only
tiền bản quyền và phúc lợi
governing bodies, but also generated
public opinion, and criticising the daily
by advertising and subscriptions.
workings of government, particularly the
It is worth noting that, during the monopoly
wrongdoing of officials [6, p.147-153]. In short,
of the state sector economy, the living standards
after more than 25 years of renovation,
of journalists were relatively low. It was a
Vietnamese journalism has now been largely
number of newspapers in HoChiMinh city,
transformed into a multi-structured media
which took the initiative in exploring new ways
industry with multiple functions rather than
to improve newspaper revenue in the mid being pure propaganda tools.
1980s. According to Tran Huu Quang [8, p.81],
the “Sai Gon Liberty Daily” was one of the first
2. State Journalism vs. Market Journalism Vietnamese newspapers to accept
advertisements on July 1st 1981.
Before 1986, the journalism system that
By 1989, the Journalism Law stipulated for
emerged in Vietnam was operated according to
the first time that journalism and media should
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64 59
be allowed to advertise or broadcast
as the most important duties of Vietnamese
advertisements and raise revenue from
journalism. Huu Tho [5, p.86-87], the then
advertising (Article 25 op. cit.) [9]. Ten years
Head of the Central Ideology and Culture
later, in the Amended Journalism Law (1999) Committee stated:
[10], the regulations for advertising were
Vietnamese journalism is not allowed to run
amended. In addition, a number of acceptable
after just profits but has to be a fundamental
sources of revenue for journalism organisations
tool for thought, politics and culture. also were clarified thus:
It is a hard and fast rule that ‘Journalism
Journalism organisations are permitted to
operation is under the Party direction and
operate business activities and services which
Government control’, this obligation is stated in
are appropriate to their professions according
a number of decrees, instructions and decisions
to Government regulations and rules in order to
of the Vietnamese Party and the Government,
create further sources of revenue to invest to
including Instruction No.08/CT-TW (1992)
the development of journalism.
[13], Instruction No.22/CT-TW (1997) [14] and
(The Amended Journalism Law 1999,
The Resolution No 219/2005/QD-TTg (2005) Article 17c) [10]
[11], etc. In Vietnam, private journalism is not allowed.
According to the Government (Resolution
No.219/2005/QD-TTg 2005) [11], it has
One of the most important missions of
become common in Vietnamese media for Vietnamese journalism is:
journalism organisations to provide more than
To propagandise, inform, construct and
one publication and offer more than one
protect the Party policies and Government
service, whereas during the subsidised period
Laws… Construct and improve the socialist this was not the case.
democracy, enhance the great national unity,
construct and protect the Fatherland of the

Gradually, revenue from advertising
Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
became more important, and in2001, it
represented a proportion of between 40% and
(Article 6, The Amended Journalism Law 1999) [10]
60% of newspaper revenue [8, p.81].
In other words, in the current market-driven
Significantly, a number of newspapers rely
environment, the situation for journalism has
totally on advertising revenue, including
changed dramatically. In terms of financial
VNExpress, one of the largest Vietnamese
support, journalism’s revenue has changed from online-newspapers.
government-funded sources to, chiefly,
advertising, circulation, and financial
However, the competition between mass
media in Vietnam is affected by the fact that the
investment in other ventures [15, p.9]. The role
Government continues to control journalism
of journalism also changed from the single
function of the Party’s mouthpiece as an organ
activities, consequently, competition between
mass media in Vietnam differs significantly
of ideological indoctrination to a multi-
from that in Western countries. Even though
functional system, including resources for
advertising with higher circulations and wider
journalism organisations have to operate
commercially in order to improve the quality of
audiences. The nature of journalism products is
their services, reduce the price of journalist
no longer only that of political and ideological
propaganda, they are also market commodities
products and improve the working and living
standards of journalists, as Do Muoi, the then
[16]. In addition, content in newspapers, and in
General Secretary stated at the National
radio-television programmes comprises not
only official government news, but also public
Journalism Meeting in January 1992 [12, p.26];
political and educational missions are regarded
interest news, entertainment, advertising and
increasingly, foreign programmes [6, p.55-56]. 60
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
Certainly, official propaganda still visibly and
Renovation 1986, the latter may be more
firmly remains in most Party organs’ daily
significant and urgent for journalism managers,
practices, but propaganda itself has been
but the former still affects journalism content.
significantly changed in terms of its content and method.
However, as a result of Party initiatives, the
journalism system operates with a greater
Although journalism is still defined as a
degree of openness and freedom, where
non-profit undertaking of the state, it is now
constructive criticism and suggestions about
undertaken as a commercial operation.
Government policies can be discussed,
Advertising, allowed from the 1980s (The 1989
although, the nature and role of the journalism
Law of Journalism) [9], has begun to impact on remains fundamentally unchanged.
the entire journalism system. Whilst retaining
Consequently, journalism in Vietnam are
ultimate discretion over content, the
functioning within a ‘regulated marketisation’
Government also encourages the journalism
system. However, it is important to note that a
organisations to raise funds, in particular from
journalism organisation cannot be established advertising, consequently, the
as an independent business; they are assigned
audience/consumer has now to be taken into
an official rank and must be registered under a
account. Concomitant renovations of personnel
recognised institutional publisher or
and budgetary procedures have conferred new
government organisation [9,10].
powers and duties on editors and programme
producers. These powers and duties require
At present, even though the Vietnamese
journalism system has undergone significant
journalistic producers, in turn, to be more
responsive, both to their audiences and
changes, the government continues to operate
advertisers [17], by enabling them to allocate
control of the journalism. As it was the Government that initiated such
funding to production offices according to
ratings, and to recruit employees in a
commercialisation, journalism control - with (relatively) open market.
the emergent convergence of the state and the
market - may even be strengthened in the
The commercialisation of the journalism
context of commercialisation: authoritarianism
dramatically influenced Vietnam’s journalsim
in the Vietnamese journalism system may
landscape with regard to journalism ownership
persist through government control. In the
and financial support. With journalism
Vietnamese system, journalism is restricted
commercialisation, the ‘Party and government’
from communicating messages that would
organs became business entities, similar - to
undermine the established authority or
some extent - to the Western capitalist system,
negatively affect the country’s political values.
adopting advertising, subscription and capital investment practices.
The Western model of the journalism-
defined by such characteristics as an
In other words, Vietnamese journalism
independent news media with legally
currently plays a dual role simultaneously, as
sanctioned press freedoms and formalised
commodities in the market and apparatuses of
institutional independence from the state [1] -
ideologies. In this sense, journalism must cater
cannot develop in Vietnam. In other words, a
to two masters with two distinct prerequisites.
new theoretical model, which requires further
Despite the fact that officially and principally
the journalism’s role is still defined as the voice
investigation, is necessary in the case of
of the government [18, p.76-77], the new
Vietnamese journalism in its transitional
economic structure means they have also to
phases, a model integrating both political and
accommodate the interests of their advertisers
economic dimensions, in which a
and audiences. Due to the fierce competition
market/authoritarian based understanding of the
between mass media after the Economic
journalism, should be considered.
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64 61 3.
The Relationship Between State -
the Communist Party he could instruct various Journalism and the Audience:
levels of society to take precautions against
Democratising Trends in the Vietnamese
bureaucrats: when writing the newspaper
Journalism after the Renovation
articles, he wanted to create a popular opinion
in fighting bureaucratic conservatism, inviting
The transformation from a monopoly state
all citizens to respond [20]. In other words, the
sector economy to a multi-sector economy
then General Secretary highly appreciated the
ushered a new period of development for
role of journalism - and its influence on public
journalism in Vietnam, but it was not until
opinion - in fighting the negative aspects of the
May-June 1987 that Vietnamese journalism
transition of Vietnam’s society towards a
reached its turning point, with a series of
socialist model. Two years after the Things
articles, namely Things That Must Be Done
That Must Be Done Immediately Immediately articles were
, carrying the by-line N.V.L(1)
published, the Law of Journalism (1989) was (Nhan Dan 1987). enacted which stated that:
The series of articles titled Things That
Journalism in the Socialist Republic of
Must Be Done Immediately (ibid) instanced
Vietnam is essential mass media in society. It
various improprieties of state agencies,
acts as an organ of the Party, Governmental and
especially “acts of bullying the masses and
other social organisations as well as public
violating the people’s rights” [19, p.90] [20]. fora.
Demanding that such wrongdoing be exposed st
and corrected, N.V.L exhorted the citizenry to
(The 1 Article of the Journalism Law 1989) [9]
“inspect and examine” governmental activities The functions of journalism are also th
(Nhan Dan 1987). In addition to the previous
clarified in the 6 article of this Legislation as
year’s “criticism and self-criticism” campaigns, follows:
N.V.L was encouraging the general population “…
to engage in a new campaign against
3. To Reflect and Instruct Public Opinion;
bureaucratic centralism. After three months, the
be a Public Forum for People to Exercise their
N.V.L. articles generated approximately 600 Freedom of Speech.
letters denouncing various agencies and
4. To discover and honour “good people bureaucrats [19, p.90].
and good factors”; to fight illegal activities and
According to Huu Tho(2) [20], it was N.V.L
negative phenomena in society…”
who set up a new function for Vietnamese (The Journalism Law 1989) [9]
journalism - a people’s forum - which was later
At this point, it should be noted that the
institutionalised by Laws and Instructions,
concept of human rights, the idea of civil
including the Journalism Law (1989).
society and democracy conceived in the
According to Huu Tho’s (ibid) recollections of
Western adversarial democratic tradition have
events at that time, he asked the General
no exact equivalent in East Asia in general and
Secretary Nguyen Van Linh why he wrote
in Vietnam in particular [21, p.3] [22, p.205],
under the name N.V.L, and Nguyen Van Linh
where the Communist central Government and
replied that, although as a General Secretary of
the importance of Confucian values influence
the values of social life. The holistic,
(1) This pseudonym was found later to be a shortened
consensual and communal values of the Orient
version of the name, Nguyen Van Linh, the General
have changed the scope of human rights to
Secretary of the Communist Party, recognised as having
include an affirmative obligation on the state to
revitalised Vietnam's economy by reducing state control
and introducing elements of a free market system.
advance the economic, social, cultural well-
(2) The ex-Head of the Central Ideology and Culture
being of their peoples. As a result, due to
Committee and former Editor-in-Chief of Nhan Dan.
differences in political systems, local
circumstances, history, culture, and Orientalist 62
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64
behaviours(3) - these issues often are regarded as
efforts [6, p.19-20] [27]. Furthermore,
main factors in shaping various journalistic
Vietnamese journalists must respect, embrace
models and roles worldwide [23] [24, p.154-
and voice the authenticity of Vietnam.
157] [22], - Vietnamese journalism differs to
Therefore, the notion, introduced during the late that in Western countries.
18th century, that journalism constituted a
It should be noted that journalism in a
Fourth Estate of government, a system of
number of developing countries, including
checks and balances of the other three forms of
those in Asia and Southeast Asia, promotes a
power - executive, judicial and legislative - [28,
distinct type of journalism, focusing directly on
p.744], is not relevant in Vietnam [27].
society, activating a sense of collectivity.
Moreover, as the global media market has come
Journalism adhering to Asian values was
under the domination of a plutocracy of mega-
regarded as one of the contributors to Asian
media conglomerates [29, p.348], according to
economic success, in which there is a twinning
Vietnamese scholars, the power of media in
of press freedom and responsibility: the
Western countries, in fact is in the hands of a
privileging of national interests over individual
small number of capitalists, not that of the
ones, harnessing the aims of national betterment
general population [27, p.253].
[16] [22, p.207]. These are the principle reasons
In Vietnam, the fundamental tenets of
for harmony between the press and the
journalism are to propagandise, agitate and
government in Asia [22, p.205].
organise the masses. With the influence of the
Whilst, Vietnam and a number of ASEAN
Renovation, journalism in Vietnam does not
countries proposed an Asian model of
only act as an instrument used by government
journalism, in terms of the press working with
to shape public opinion, but also fora for people
government to build a national consensus [16],
to raise their voices [6, p.147]. Soon after
the model of Vietnamese journalism continues
journalism became accepted as a public forum,
to differ from that of its ASEAN neighbours.
audience opinions, suggestions, and comments
Whilst Thailand and the Philippines have opted
towards Government policies were gradually
for the so-called Western model, and Singapore,
published. The slogan: “People [have a right to]
Malaysia, Indonesia apply a semi-controlled
know, discuss, inspect and examine” was
press [15, p.9] [22, p.208], in Vietnam,
placed in a prominent position in a number of
journalism enterprises are state-owned and
newspapers, including The People (Nhan Dan
controlled, and members of the Communist
Newspaper). New columns for reader’s
Party occupy most management positions in
opinions, such as “The People’s Forum”,
media organisations [15] [25] [26]. Vietnamese
“People’s Opinion” and “People’s Talk”
journalism, as an instrument of nation building,
emerged in a significant number of newspapers.
is mandated to support the state’s development
The effectiveness of this endeavour is a
possible area for further investigation; however,
(3) As the official perception of democracy in Vietnam is
at this point it should be noted that the
strongly influenced by Marxist-Leninist ideologies of
emergence of this phenomenon has created a
centralised democracy, and the Confucian beliefs, there
new landscape for Vietnamese journalism.
are some aspects that can be seen as contrasting Western
The content of journalism also became
perceptions. For instance, Confucianism sees the
importance of the society over the family, and the family
more diversified, for example, investigating
over the individual, where as self-realisation can be seen as
pressing issues in society in order to satisfy its
one of the highest values in Western societies. In addition,
audience. After 1986, Tuoi tre (The Youth
there is a wide consensus amongst the population that
Newspaper), Sai Gon Giai Phong (The Saigon
economic growth and political stability are more important
than democratic development [21]. This may be a part of
Liberation Newspaper) and a number of
the explanation why a one-party political system exists and
newspapers in HoChiMinh City pioneered the
why this system is broadly seen as advantageous.
renovation of journalistic content. Interestingly,
Đ.T.T. Hương / VNU Journal of Sciences, Social Sciences and Humanities 28, No.5E (2012) 57‐64 63
HoChiMinh City was the vanguard of the
consumers and commodities in the market-
economic renovation and gained significant
place: audiences. Consequently, capturing
benefits after the renovation policy was applied.
larger audiences becomes an essential
According to Tran Huu Quang [8, p.81],
imperative for any journalism organisation, as it
changing the style of delivering information via
is the only way to fulfil both the political and
‘The Youth Newspapers’ and other newspapers
commercial demands of the current condition.
in HoChiMinh City has broken though the
limitations of the conservative thinking which
previously limited journalism in the 4. Conclusion
bureaucratic, administrative and traditional
The Economic Renovation, as a switch
system that had historically operated.
from the subsidised period to a socialist market
Journalists explored, investigated and broadcast
economy, has not only improved the economic
urgent issues and events that occurred during
situation, and the living standards of the general
the transitional period, for which there was no
population in Vietnam, but also provided
existing model. Amongst these pressing issues,
significant impacts on media development, and
corruption, social problems, bureaucratic
consequently, the civil society and democracy
conservatism, and the negative aspects of an
in this country. However, as mentioned
open-market society were the subjects that most
previously, the assessment of the quality of
concerned the general population (ibid). The
democracy always depends on the point of view
more pressing issues in society were reflected
and the Western idea of democracy does not fit
in newspapers, the greater attention from the
well the circumstances in Vietnam. Therefore,
audience newspapers could attract.
in terms of the role of journalism in
It is important to reiterate that since the
strengthening the civil society and democracy,
renovation, the Government began to cease
in the specific context of Vietnam at the subsidies, and allowed journalistic
transitional period toward a socialist market
organisations to seek other financial resources,
economy, a new theoretical model of
including those from advertisers and
journalism, a model integrating both political
subscribers. In order to attract more advertisers,
and economic dimensions should be considered.
the key for journalism organisations, is to
capture larger audiences. Commercial References
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